Uzodimma is also the governor of Imo State.

The announcement was made in a statement on Friday by the RHA’s director of media and publicity, Mr. Tunde Rahman.

President Bola Tinubu had in November 2025 designed the RHA as the vehicle to disseminate the activities and achievements of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the administration to every part of the country in a build-up to the 2027 election campaign.

RHA has Uba Sani, governor of Kaduna State, as Deputy Director General; Mohammed Inuwa, governor of Gombe State, as Secretary and James Abiodun Faleke as Deputy Secretary.

The RHA structure contains six zonal Coordinators, 37 State Coordinators and 774 local coordinators.

The Directors of the 16 directorates are Dr. Mustapha Abdullahi – Youth; Chief Olisa Metuh – Organization & Mobilization; Mr. Tunde Rahman – Media & Publicity; Mr. Sunday Dare – Digital & New Media; Mele Kolo Geidam -Finance; Muiz Banire, SAN – Monitoring, Compliance & Legal; Bisoye Coker-Odusote – Technology & Data, and Abubakar Rabiu Abubakar – Support Groups.

Others are Ibrahim Garba – Intelligence; Senator Sani Musa- Special Duties; Hon. Simon Karu – Planning; Dr. Halima Suleiman Zakari – Welfare; Dr. Nnamdi Maurice Mbaeri – Administration; Bilikisu Muhammed Kaika -Women Affairs; Abike Dabiri- Diaspora, and Hadiza Bala Usman – Research & Innovation.

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President Tinubu used the occasion of his longtime aide’s 60th birthday to shower encomiums on him for his many years of unflinching dedication to duty as his former Adviser on Media and now as a senior aide in the Presidency.

Specifically, President Tinubu noted that Rahman displayed strong leadership and an extraordinary work ethic throughout his service as adviser on Media, especially during the period leading up to the last presidential election, when Rahman played an active and prominent role as a political liaison and media strategist.

President Tinubu described Rahman as a conscientious journalist and newspaper editor who applied himself to professionalism and used journalism to promote public good and social justice.

“I especially celebrate Tunde Rahman for his outstanding qualities on the celebration of his 60th birthday. He is a dedicated, humble and extraordinarily loyal personal aide who serves with utmost dedication.

“I appreciate his contributions to our progressive ideals and promotion of good governance in our country. Tunde is a steadfast and reliable personal aide whose advice and suggestions are sincere and free of any hidden agenda.

“On this diamond birthday celebration, my prayer for Tunde is that God should grant him good health, greater wisdom for greater service to our country and humanity,” President Tinubu wrote.

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In our political environment where alliances are often transactional and friendships expire after elections, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, has built a reputation for something remarkably different – institutional memory anchored on loyalty. Love him or loathe him, one thing even his fiercest critics admit is that Tinubu does not forget his people.

From his days as Governor of Lagos State, between 1999 and 2007, Tinubu cultivated a political family rather than just a cabinet. Many who worked with him in those early days – like Dele Alake, Yemi Cardoso, Tunji Disu, Kayode Egbetokun, Wale Edun, Bayo Onanuga, Hakeem Muri-Okunola, Sunday Dare, Toyin Subair, Tunde Rahman, Joe Igbokwe, Tunji Bello, Louis Odion, Femi Pedro, etc – remain within his orbit; some as ministers, advisers, diplomats, legislators, party leaders and strategic power brokers. Take Babajide Sanwo-Olu, who served in Lagos under Tinubu’s political structure long before becoming Governor. Consider Femi Gbajabiamila, a long-time ally who moved from legislative leadership to Chief of Staff to the President. Look at Nuhu Ribadu, who, though not originally from the Lagos political family, has maintained a long-standing association within Tinubu’s broader political coalition. Then there are party loyalists who stood by him when the road was rough – during the days of opposition politics when aligning with him was not fashionable, nor politically convenient. Today, many of them are not abandoned foot soldiers; they are stakeholders.

Tinubu’s years in Lagos were not merely administrative; they were foundational. He built structures – political, economic and technocratic – that outlived his tenure. Those who proved capacity and loyalty in that era became part of a network that matured over decades. This is not accidental. It indeed reflects a leadership philosophy. Politics, he has proven, is not a sprint; it is a relay. You build people, you trust them, and when power rotates, you carry them along. Critics may label it patronage. Admirers call it consistency. But whichever lens one chooses, the pattern is undeniable.

Interestingly, what stands out most about Tinubu’s way is the human element. Politics, at its core, is about relationships.

Tinubu’s method is not blind loyalty and sans results. Many of those who remain around him have survived because they delivered – in governance, elections, party organisation or policy execution. In Jagaban‘s world, loyalty opens the door; performance keeps you in the room. This is why his political family has endured for over three decades. In Nigeria’s volatile political climate, that kind of continuity is rare.

Interestingly, what stands out most about Tinubu’s way is the human element. Politics, at its core, is about relationships. While others discard allies once usefulness wanes, Tinubu appears to understand the long game of gratitude. He remembers who stood with him when he was fighting federal might as Lagos Governor. He remembers those who kept party structures alive when defeat seemed imminent. And now, as President, he has opportunities to reward that endurance. In fact, in a country where betrayal is often considered a strategy, Tinubu has made loyalty fashionable again.

Of course, this style carries some risk. Surrounding oneself with long-time loyalists can breed insularity. It can also reduce fresh perspectives if not carefully balanced. And that is because leadership at the national level requires constant renewal, new energy, and inclusion beyond old circles. Yet, if properly managed, experience plus loyalty can also translate to stability – something Nigeria desperately needs.

But whether one supports his policies or not, there is something instructive about Tinubu’s consistency. Institutions are built by people. And people thrive where loyalty is valued and effort remembered. Tinubu’s way teaches a simple political truth: relationships are investments. If you water them, they grow into structures that outlast individual ambition. And in an era of shifting alliances and disposable friendships, that may be his most enduring legacy – a reminder that in politics, as in life, those who stand with you through the storms deserve to walk with you in the sunshine.

Before I go, when is Asiwaju ironing things out with one of his core loyalists, Aregbe?

Azuh Arinze, FNGE, is the Publisher/Editor-in-Chief of YES INTERNATIONAL! Magazine and author of important books like The CEO’s Bible 1 and 2, Anything and Everything Journalism, Conversations With Showbiz Stars, Encounters: Lessons From My Journalism Career, My Story of Many Colours, Tested and Trusted Success Secrets of the Rich and Famous, A Taste of Success, Success Is Not Served A La Carte, etc

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A few days ago, the National Assembly completed the review of the 2022 Electoral Act, harmonising differences in the amendments passed by the two chambers. In a move highlighting the importance of the new electoral law that will guide the 2027 election process, President Bola Tinubu quickly followed up on Wednesday, February 18, 2026, by signing the amendments into law. Indeed, a key feature of good leadership is acting decisively when the occasion demands it.

Cited as the Electoral Act 2026, the new amendment is the fifth time the National Assembly has reviewed the country’s electoral law since 1999, when the military restored democracy after almost 16 years of military dictatorship. The National Assembly previously revised the Electoral Act in 2003, 2006, 2010, and 2022. The 1999 Constitution itself has already undergone five alterations, and efforts to introduce fresh amendments are ongoing. In 2010 alone, the 1999 Constitution underwent three alterations by the NASS, and it also received amendments in 2017 and 2023.

Those amendments may be expedient, yet some nagging questions remain: why are we reworking the Constitution now and then? Why is the country amending its electoral laws whenever a new election cycle beckons?

Plugging the loopholes or bridging the gaps that may arise from the application of the law is an understandable imperative. The incessant review, however, is indicative of the level of our political culture and the mutual distrust among the political elite, such that everything has to be spelt out in writing.

Review of the constitution is not an exercise carried on a whim.  When our democracy fully matures and the political elite fully imbibe democratic culture, the need for continuous review of the constitution and the electoral law will be foreclosed, as it is in more advanced democracies.

In the new electoral amendments, the issue of real-time electronic transmission of results versus manual transmission or transfer of results had emerged contentious. In the end, the House of Representatives, after a rancorous session, concurred with the Senate to approve electronic transmission of results, with manual transmission or transfer as a fallback in the event of difficulty in achieving electronic transmission. This seems a prudent measure in a climate where internet connectivity cannot be guaranteed at all times.

The fear of some opposition lawmakers, civil society activists, and other commentators opposed to the inclusion of manual transfer is that the option could leave a window for manipulation. They argue that when presented with that alternative, the propensity for a mischievous election official to adopt the vulnerable option that offers the least resistance to manipulation is always very high. This may be a plausible argument.

However, in applying the two methods, the primacy lies with Form EC8A. It is the key electoral document, the important document, into which the results obtained from the polling units are first entered, signed by the electoral officer, and countersigned by party agents before they are transmitted, either electronically or manually, in real time or otherwise.

What is of utmost importance now is for the Independent National Electoral Commission to exercise greater diligence in the recruitment of officers to man the poll, ensure proper electoral training for them, and deploy only those found sufficiently competent, honest, and trustworthy for the task. That way, the roguish ones who may be out to exploit the system are weeded out. More importantly, the people must be vigilant to ensure that only the authentic results entered into Form EC8A, signed and countersigned are transmitted either electronically or manually. The import of this old saying comes to mind here: eternal vigilance is the ultimate price of liberty.

Notwithstanding the heated controversy that attended the new amendments, other salient parts of the new Electoral Act also deserve commendation.

One, the new law has now provided the legal backing for IReV. Results transmitted to IReV can now be cited in court during election litigation.

Two, the lawmakers also amended the clause regarding the period within which INEC must publish the notice of election, reducing the 360 days in the original law to 300 days before the election date. This may effectively move the 2027 election from February to January 2027. The National Assembly passed the amendment to accommodate the Muslim Ummah’s complaint that the initial election dates of February 20 and March 6, 2027, clashed with next year’s Ramadan period.

Some may argue that election dates have got nothing to do with Ramadan. But the truth is religion has yet to be fully insulated from our politics and elections.

Thirdly, the recognition of only two modes of choosing party candidates for election – direct primaries and consensus – is also worth mentioning. In the new amendment, the lawmakers jettisoned the Delegate System, which allows manipulation and encourages heavy injections of money.

In most cases, the problem concerns the modality for selecting delegates and their actual number, which creates avenues for manipulation. There is this dichotomy between automatic and elected delegates. All a governor desperate to influence the choice of a candidate needs to do is appoint more aides who automatically become delegates to the congress or convention.

Direct primaries, on the other hand, allow all registered and active party members to participate in picking their candidates. This will help broaden party-member participation in the process. It will also return the ownership of the political parties to members instead of moneybags who wheel and deal. This is akin to an open ballot system, which has been used a few times previously in the electoral process in some parts of the country. For instance, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, now President, emerged as defunct Social Democratic Party candidate for the Lagos West Senatorial District election in 1991 through the open ballot system. The party members kept chanting, “open ballot, open ballot,” which swayed the hands of some mischievous party leaders in Lagos to approve the model. It is on record that in that open ballot primary election, Asiwaju Tinubu polled the highest number of votes ever recorded by any candidate in a Senatorial primary election to date.

The good thing about the consensus option, too, is that it returns supremacy to party leaders and aspirants in determining who flies the party’s flag in an election. In addition to knowing all the party aspirants, it is the party that sponsors candidates, after all. The involvement of the aspirants themselves adds more credibility to the process.

However, I need to restate that the unspoken dismay about the controversy that greeted the new electoral law stems from the hypocrisy of some of our political elite. Some of the opposition politicians and lawmakers at the forefront of the new amendments, particularly the agitation for real-time transmission of election results, were the same politicians who opposed the introduction of more technology into our electoral system during the immediate-past regime. They were the same people who advised the late President Buhari against signing the same electoral amendments until one year before the end of his second term in office, when he would no longer be standing for any election. President Buhari signed the Electoral Act 2022 into law on June 25, 2022. That law, which amended the previous Electoral Act 2010, introduced significant changes, including the electronic transmission of results from polling stations.

There should be no debate about the need for credible and transparent elections. No stone should be left unturned in seeking to cement the integrity of our electoral system through technology and to engender transparent and credible polls. But some guardrails are still necessary. Besides, why should the push for electoral amendments seemingly be predicated on the colour and provenance of the leader in power at any given time? What is sauce for the goose should be sauce for the gander.

Instructively, President Tinubu made important statements while signing the new electoral proposals into law. He spoke about the storm that preceded the passage of the law, calling it democracy in action. He also commended the National Assembly leadership for managing the process well.

“The essence of democracy is to have very solid brainstorming discussions committed to national development, nation-building, and the stability of the nation.”

According to the President, humans still have a significant role to play in finalising election results, as computers can’t do everything, given that many aspects of the voting process are still largely manual. “It is time that we have confidence in our system. No matter how good the system is, it’s managed by the people, promoted by the people, and the people finalise the results,” President Tinubu added. Nothing can be more succinct.

*Rahman is Senior Assistant to President Tinubu on Media & Special Duties.

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Latest counts in a vote seen as the South Asian nation’s first truly competitive election in years gave the BNP and its allies at least 212 of the 299 seats up for grabs, domestic TV channels said.

The opposition Jamaat-e-Islami and its allies won 70 seats in the Jatiya Sangsad, or House of the Nation.

The Election Commission put the BNP at 181 seats, the Jamaat-e-Islami at 61 and others at 7, with full official results not expected before noon (0600 GMT) on Friday.

The BNP, which returns to power after 20 years, thanked the people soon and called for special prayers on Friday for the nation and its people.

“Despite winning … by a large margin of votes, no celebratory procession or rally shall be organised,” the party said in a statement.

The National Citizen Party, NCP, led by youth activists who played a key role in toppling Hasina and was a part of the Jamaat-led alliance, won just five of the 30 seats it contested.

A clear outcome had been seen as key for stability in the Muslim-majority nation of 175 million after months of deadly anti-Hasina unrest disrupted everyday life and industries such as garments, in the export of which Bangladesh is No.2 globally.

“A strong majority gives BNP the parliamentary strength to pass reforms efficiently and avoid legislative paralysis. That alone can create short-term political stability,” Selim Raihan, an economics professor at the University of Dhaka, told Reuters.

BNP leader, Tarique Rahman, is widely expected to be sworn in as prime minister.

The son of the party’s founder, former president Ziaur Rahman, he returned in December to the capital, Dhaka, from 18 years abroad.

In its manifesto, the BNP promised to prioritise job creation, protect low-income and marginal households and ensure fair prices to farmers.

“If the factories run regularly and we get our wages on time, that’s what matters to us. I just want the BNP government to bring back stability so more orders come to Bangladesh and we can survive,” Josna Begum, 28, a garment worker and mother of two, told Reuters after the results.

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and the U.S. ambassador to Bangladesh, Brent T. Christensen, were among the first to congratulate Rahman on his party’s victory.

Source: Reuters

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In August, at a stakeholders’ engagement on the implementation of the 2025 capital budget and related issues in Abuja, Dr. Tanimu Yakubu, the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation, pointed out that the Federal Government was funding the capital component of the 2024 budget using revenue accruing under the 2025 Budget. He also noted that the 2025 revenue projections in the budget had been underperforming because the country had not met the oil production quota.

Questions, therefore, arose in some quarters about the level of budget implementation. President Bola Tinubu’s announcement in August that the administration had met its 2025 non-oil revenue target even triggered more questions.  What then was the issue regarding budget implementation?

It must be noted, however, that there are additional revenue sources for funding budgets beyond Internally-Generated Revenue. These include funding by development partners and foreign and domestic loans. If the IGR performs and there are gaps in other revenue sources, there could also be limitations in budget implementation. In that seemingly innocuous statement, President Tinubu was referring to the non-oil revenue component of the budget for the year.

Following the below-par performance of the 2024 Budget, the National Assembly approved the rollover of the budget into 2025. The parliament later also approved the rollover of 70 per cent of the 2025 capital projects into 2026.  Given this background of poor budget execution, some had suggested a holistic review of the budgeting process to upend the cycle of rollovers and non-implementation. Dr Muda Yusuf, the CEO of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprises, among others, proposed that rather than discard projects that were approved but not implemented, it would be more prudent to consolidate outstanding projects, clear the accumulated backlog and re-present them within a more coherent and credible framework.

To all intents and purposes, the government has drawn appropriate lessons from the drawbacks of the 2024 and 2025 budgets. That is why the 2026 Budget is guided by three basic principles

Two weeks ago, President Tinubu moved decisively to address the implementation problems associated with the 2024 and 2025 budgets by using the practical template of the 2026 budget. Presenting the N58.18 trillion 2026 budget proposals to the National Assembly on Thursday, December 18, 2025, the President declared an end to budget rollovers and multiple budgets. Despite the challenges, the 2026 budget aligns well with the December-January budget cycle.

Aptly titled “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity,” this new budget is essentially anchored on fiscal planning, discipline, resilience and sustainable development in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda. With the budget, President Tinubu plans to consolidate macroeconomic stability, improve the business and investment environment, promote job‑rich growth, reduce poverty and strengthen human capital development, while protecting the vulnerable.

But rather than appreciate the government’s challenge, the courage demonstrated in accepting the fact of poor implementation of the budget and the firm resolve to correct the anomaly, the opposition African Democratic Congress took the notoriously mischievous route to upbraid President Tinubu. The party described the new budget and the government’s remedial plans as “a copy and paste” of previous years’ spending plans. The party’s interim National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, said ADC’s economists reviewed the budget, claiming that “it reflects fiscal recklessness and unrealistic projections.” Propagating a doomsday theory, ADC opined that, like its predecessors, the 2026 Budget would end up as another unimplemented document.

It is fair to argue that the 2025 budget faced the challenge of transition and competing execution demands. But presenting the 2026 Budget to the lawmakers, President Tinubu assured that the budgetary situation would be different this time. The President said: “As of Q3 2025, we recorded: 18.6 trillion naira in revenue — representing 61% of our target; and 24.66 trillion naira in expenditure — representing 60% of our target.

“Let me be clear: 2026 will be a year of stronger discipline in budget execution. I have issued directives to the Honourable Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, the Honourable Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, the Accountant‑General of the Federation, and the Director‑General of the Budget Office of the Federation to ensure that the 2026 Budget is implemented strictly in line with the appropriated details and timelines.

“We expect improved revenue performance through the new National Tax Acts and the ongoing reforms in the oil and gas sector — reforms designed not merely to raise revenue, but to drive transparency, efficiency, fairness, and long‑term value in our fiscal architecture,” he added.

President Tinubu recognises the importance of fiscal guardrails, as evidenced by his clear directive to Government‑owned Enterprises and to the heads of all agencies to meet their assigned revenue targets.

To support this, he said:  “An end‑to‑end digitisation of revenue mobilisation — standardised e‑collections, interoperable payment rails, automated reconciliation, data‑driven risk profiling, and real‑time performance dashboards — will be deployed so that leakages are sealed, compliance is verifiable, and remittances are prompt.”

These targets, President Tinubu noted, will form core components of performance evaluations and institutional scorecards. “Nigeria can no longer afford leakages, inefficiencies, or underperformance in strategic agencies. Every institution must play its part.  In short: we will spend with purpose, manage debt with discipline, and pursue broad-based, sustainable growth.”

These are grand plans and clear directives from President Tinubu. The National Assembly, too, has a vital role to play in ensuring the successful implementation of the 2026 budget. Many of the unimplemented projects in the 2025 Budget, for instance, were constituency projects, the brunt of which was borne by lawmakers who tended to allocate the jobs even when the projects had not been cash-backed. Beyond approving the 2026 appropriation, therefore, the lawmakers must show greater restraint and prudence in handling their constituency projects.

The 2026 budget has other notable aspects. One, it re-presents a defining moment in the national journey of reform and transformation. The 2026 Budget, as President Tinubu said, “reflects the government’s determination to lock in macroeconomic stability, deepen competitiveness, and ensure that growth translates into decent jobs, rising incomes, and a better quality of life for every Nigerian.”

Two, in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda and the practical needs of Nigerians, the budget prioritises five critical sectors: defence and security – N5.41 trillion; infrastructure – N3.56 trillion; education – N3.52 trillion; and health – N2.48 trillion. As the President rightly said, these priorities are interlinked: “Without security, investment will not thrive. Without educated and healthy citizens, productivity will not rise. Without infrastructure, jobs and enterprises will not scale.”

To all intents and purposes, the government has drawn appropriate lessons from the drawbacks of the 2024 and 2025 budgets. That is why the 2026 Budget is guided by three basic principles: better revenue mobilisation, better spending by prioritising projects, and better accountability through strengthened procurement discipline, monitoring, and reporting. There is a strong optimism that it will yield outcomes that benefit all, which hopefully the perennial cynics would acknowledge.

*Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.

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PROTOCOLS

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen.

I am immensely honoured to be here to attend this important Nigeria Session on China’s newest development plan and the future of China-Africa cooperation, under the theme – “Jointly Drawing the Blueprint, Sharing the Development.”

I thank the China Media Group and the Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in Lagos for extending an invitation to me to speak at this forum. The theme of this forum couldn’t be more apt, given the contemporary realities of our world and, of course, the blossoming friendship between Nigeria and China.

The forum’s theme is one that lends itself to extensive discourse. But owing to time constraints, I will immediately proceed with my address.

In 1985, the American magazine Newsweek reported that the number of high-rise buildings in Shanghai, China’s biggest commercial city, could be counted on the finger tips.

By 2005, 20 years later, when I had the first opportunity to visit Beijing and Shanghai as part of a delegation of China-Africa Editors’ touring that Asian country, skyscrapers had become a common feature of the entire landscape of China. China was like a huge construction yard. There was visible economic boom.

Today, despite its huge population, China’s development has grown exponentially.

Although China now faces significant economic headwinds, with growth moderating in the face of structural constraints, including declining working age population, diminishing returns on investment, and slowing productivity growth, it remains, nonetheless, one of the largest global economies.

According to a report by the World Bank Group, the country’s real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth – a common measure of economic activity and size – slowed from double-digit annual increases during the 2000s to 5.3% in this year’s second quarter. China continues to be a major global trading partner, regardless, ranking as the world’s second-largest economy, only behind the United States.

China’s monumental development was not a chance occurrence. It came by deliberate, continuous and consistent planning. China has continued to plan, and doing so comprehensively. Just last week, the Second Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China took place in Beijing. Held from October 20-23, 2025, at that session, China unfolded its 15th five-year development plan.

As we gather today to discuss the future of Africa-China cooperation in the context of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan, it is important to first enumerate some of the highlights of this new five-year plan (2026-2030), the significance of the bilateral relationship between China and Africa (with particular reference to Nigeria), and its potential for mutual benefit.

China’s 15th five-year plan highlights a few thematic priority areas, which include economic transformation, digital economy, global economic governance, and the Belt and Road Initiative that has been a cornerstone of China–Africa cooperation. This present plan emphasizes high quality development, focusing on technological innovation, green development and economic restructuring.

On digital economy, the plan prioritises digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence and data-driven industries. With regard to global economic governance, China aims to play a more active role globally, promoting free trade and investment.

The five-year plan, no doubt, offers unique opportunities for Africa. This is in terms of infrastructural development, industrialization, partnership in boosting agriculture and technological innovation. China’s expertise in infrastructure development can help bridge Africa’s infrastructure gap, promoting economic growth and development, and creating opportunities for job creation and economic diversification.

At present, the partnership between China and Africa has recorded remarkable achievements in the past five years.

And these gains in various fields are evident. For instance, at the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation Beijing Summit held last September, President Xi Jinping announced zero tariff treatment on products with 100% tariff lines for all least developed countries having diplomatic relations with China, which include 33 African countries.

Indeed, contrasts are bound to be drawn in contemporary global affairs, particularly in relation to President Donald Trump’s imprudent tariff regime and its negative disruption of global trade.

In June this year also, China extended the zero-tariff treatment to cover 100% of tariff lines for all 53 African countries that have diplomatic ties with China.

From January to July 2025, China’s imports from Africa’s least developed countries reached 39.66 billion USD, with a year-on-year increase of 10.2%.

This strikes a resonant chord in Nigeria, where the Lekki Deep Seaport stands glowingly to China’s credit. The Blue (Rail) Line built by a Chinese company provides green and convenient public mass transportation to Lagos residents. Across Africa, China’s infrastructural imprints are just as phenomenal.

Major projects built by Chinese enterprises, such as Morocco’s Noor III and II Concentrated Solar Power Project and South Africa’s De Aar Wind Power Project, have illuminated millions of homes across Africa, helping in the path to sustainable growth and development.

China’s new energy vehicles are also rapidly entering the African market, offering new options to improve urban air quality.

These are commendable. But Africa needs more if China, like a true friend of Africa that it is, genuinely wants to leapfrog the continent’s development.

However, there are identifiable obstacles that pose serious challenges to China-Africa cooperation. These deserve to be addressed and should not be glossed over. I will now dwell on these challenges.

Firstly, the huge debt Africa owes China is a major problem. As of 2020, Chinese lenders accounted for approximately 12% of Africa’s external debt, which has grown more than fivefold since 2000, reaching $696 billion. Between 2000 and 2023, Chinese financial institutions extended 1,306 loans, totalling $182.28 billion, to 49 African countries and seven regional organizations. Africa needs to ensure that the debt levels remain sustainable, while China also needs to consider debt restructuring or forgiveness.

Secondly, Chinese industries in Africa must prioritize environmental and social impact assessments. China must rein in her companies to ensure they operate in ways that enhance environmental safety. Indeed, global environmental problems cannot be solved without China’s engagement.

Given its size, China is central to many regional and global development issues. Admittedly, China is not the main source of historical cumulative emissions. Yet, according to the World Bank, China today accounts for nearly a third of annual global carbon dioxide and 30% of the world’s greenhouse gas emissions – with per capita emissions now surpassing those of the European Union, and on par with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development average.

Thirdly and closely related to this is the issue of local content. African countries must prioritize local content development, ensuring that projects benefit local communities. The trend, in most cases, is that Chinese companies operating in Africa come with their technology and their workforce in tow. China, as Africa’s true friend, should support and facilitate technology transfer and capacity building.

Now, what does the future hold for China-Africa cooperation? What are the new prospects for collaboration in the next five years?

To strengthen collaboration, there must be enhanced dialogue between China and Africa, which will help address challenges and identify new opportunities.

Africa and China also need to diversify cooperation areas to sectors including culture, education and tourism.

One other important area of support from China is in the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to enhance intra-African trade and investment. Importantly, Africa and China can collaborate on global value chains, promoting trade and investment.

Both continents should also prioritize green and sustainable development, addressing climate change and environmental degradation.

In conclusion, the 15th Five-Year Plan presents opportunities for Africa-China cooperation in infrastructure development, industrialization, agricultural cooperation, and technological innovation. China has demonstrated capacity in these areas.

We actually don’t have to think long and hard to establish where this leap is apparent. Deepseek, Chinese AI models, have broken the monopoly of Western tech giants through open-source modes, initiating an “AI democratization” process.

The supply of China’s advanced and practical technology also helps in bridging the digital and artificial intelligence gaps, thus further empowering African industries and people, providing them transformative power to aid development.

China parades green transition solutions, which can support a long-term future for Africa’s sustainable development. While it possesses the world’s richest green resources such as solar and wind power, Africa also remains one of the most vulnerable regions to climate change. China should actively share green transition solutions with Africa in order to truly help the continent.

Therefore, by addressing the challenges and prioritizing mutual benefits, China and Africa can strengthen their partnership in ways that promotes technology transfer, sustainable development and shared prosperity.

With the sufficient will, these challenges are surmountable. The prospects offer a huge cause for optimism. And the future of China-Africa relations can only blossom further.

It may sound clichéd, but I’d like to round off this remark with that time-honoured Chinese saying, which speaks to the value of resilience as it does the China-Africa relationship: “A journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step”.

And may I say that President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria is prepared and ready to take that important next step in advancing the Nigeria-China partnership based on mutual trust and shared prosperity.

*Being a keynote address presented at a forum on China-Afica cooperation in the context of China’s new 5-year development plan on Friday October 31 at Landmark Centre in Lagos.

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Empathy is a defining feature of leadership and one of the qualities a good leader must have. How a leader acts at every point always gives us a sense of how he has internalised and embraced this important virtue. On Tuesday, February 4, President Bola Tinubu approved a whopping N758 billion to settle longstanding pension liabilities under the Contributory Pension Scheme for federal workers nationwide. The approval, given during a Federal Executive Council meeting in Abuja, was a historic decision. It marked a watershed moment in Nigeria’s pension administration. It was the first time the Federal Government would commit funds to the Pension Protection Fund, a statutory provision designed to augment pensions for low-income earners.

Apart from clearing all pension increases since 2007, President Tinubu’s intervention also settled the shortfall in university professors’ pensions, ensuring retired university lecturers receive their full salary as a pension.

Reacting to that decision, PenCom’s Director-General, Ms Omolola Oloworaran, expressed appreciation to the President “for his bold and compassionate leadership in resolving these critical pension issues.” The fund had been left unfunded since its inception in 2014. Oloworaran has done a yeoman’s job thus far as PenCom boss. Among other things, she had brought this pension matter to President Tinubu’s attention.

Veteran labour activist, Comrade Issa Aremu, the Director-General of Michael Imoudu National Institute for Labour Studies, described the decision as a timely act of compassion, statesmanship and good governance. On the sideline of the 2025 Ramadan Annual Lecture organised by the Nigeria Television Authority (NTA) Ilorin, Comrade Aremu said while successive governments accumulated pension obligations, it was commendable that President Tinubu boldly cleared the slate of pension arrears.

“The N758 billion is the most impactful measure of the Renewed Hope Agenda in the labour market after the 2024 National Minimum Wage Act,” he said. Aremu urged state governments to emulate the Federal Government in settling the claims of pensioners in the states as millions of retired workers suffered avoidable delays and low pension incomes.

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Federal or state workers will significantly reduce their propensity for cutting corners over fear of life after retirement if they are sure of their pensions. This is a way of fighting systemic corruption. Indeed, those who have experienced or witnessed the agony pensioners endure before receiving their pensions after years of service to their fatherland will understand the importance of the President’s decision.

Instructively, President Tinubu’s action was not driven by a quest for public acclaim. It stems from a profound conviction shaped by understanding what leadership entails.

The President turned 73 on Saturday, March 29. The celebration was low-key with special prayers in Lagos and Abuja. He had urged Nigerians to join him in offering prayers for the country and himself as a way of celebrating his birthday. President Tinubu will also clock two years in office in exactly two months from now.

Since the inception of his administration, he has ticked all the right boxes in offering leadership driven by compassion and committed service, as it should be in the corporate world and government. Compassionate leadership contributes to positive organisational cultures conducive to personal and professional success. Compassionate leadership is a cornerstone of intelligent leadership that requires self-awareness, emotional intelligence, and the willingness to lead by example. As renowned psychologist Jasmin Mogahed rightly noted, “Compassion is to look beyond your pain, to see the pain of others.”

Apart from the N758 pension bond, President Tinubu has taken many remarkable decisions since May 29, 2023, in which he has demonstrated rare acts of compassion and good leadership, which is worth enumerating. Many would easily cite the students’ loan initiative for indigent students being implemented by NELFUND and CREDITCORP, which offers credit facilities to Nigerians to own consumer products and other assets. They will talk about the new N70,000 National Minimum Wage and the approval of three yearly review instead of the earlier five years, and the huge sums of money going to the states in the name of monthly allocation, which he told the governors to “spend on the people, not to spend the people”. However, several other interventions exist besides these.

One crucial example is President Tinubu’s decision to subsidise 80% of the cost of kidney dialysis treatment for all Nigerians. According to health officials, this unprecedented effort has seen kidney dialysis treatment crash in over ten Federal Medical Institutions across the country from an average of N50,000 per session to N12,000, making renal care affordable for multitudes of Nigerians. The participating institutions include FMC Ebute-Metta Lagos; FMC Jabi, Abuja; UCH Ibadan; FMC Owerri; UMTH Maiduguri; FMC Abeokuta; LUTH Lagos; FMC Azare; UBTH Benin, and UCTH Calabar, among others.

Compassionate leadership is now the gold standard of intelligent, practical, and people-centric leadership. Any organization or anyone desirous of success in leadership must embrace this. President Tinubu knows this so well.

The second, which is equally notable, is the establishment of three funds totalling N200 billion to support businesses across Nigeria, namely the Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme (PCGS), the FGN MSME Intervention Fund and the FGN Manufacturing Sector Fund. The Bank of Industry (BOI) has been appointed as the executing agency of the funds, vested with the responsibility of administering the programme. The Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme is a N50 billion-grant plan to support eligible Nano Business owners. It will be disbursed to a minimum of 1,000 beneficiaries, especially women and youths, per Local Government Area in the 774 LGAs of the country and the six area councils in the Federal Capital Territory. According to the Bank of Industry, the target nano businesses include traders, food vendors, ICT businesses, transporters, artisans, and creatives.

The third of such intervention that is also worthy of mention is the President’s approval of automatic employment for 774 National Health Fellows, a pivotal initiative led by the Federal Ministry of Health to foster sustained improvements within Nigeria’s healthcare system. At the event held at State House Conference Centre, Abuja, on March 6, President Tinubu uttered soothing three words to the fellows who will monitor the Primary Healthcare Centres across the country’s 774 local government areas: “You are hired.” Those words and the health fellowship programme emphasised his administration’s commitment to strengthening the country’s healthcare system. A deafening applause from the fellows and those present at the event had greeted that declaration by Mr. President. The employment of these fellows, selected from each of the local councils, stemmed from the recommendation of the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Professor Ali Pate.

Offering some insights into the bold initiative and the rigorous selection process, which essentially highlights its significance, President Tinubu said: “This programme is a transformative initiative that underscores my administration’s commitment to harnessing the immense potential of Nigeria’s greatest asset—its young people. With over 60% of Nigerians under 30, we boast one of the most energetic, resourceful, and dynamic youth populations globally. This presents unparalleled opportunities to drive innovation, economic prosperity and social transformation.”

Also relevant is the Federal Government’s plan to raise N1 trillion in housing funds to boost access to mortgage and tackle Nigeria’s housing deficit. Housing sector stakeholders and Nigerians have widely applauded this plan. MOFI has raised about N250 billion to kickstart the fund, which will be given at a single-digit interest rate.

Some commentators may argue that these decisions and interventions represent the kernel of the government’s responsibilities: looking after the security and the general well-being of the people. That the Tinubu government is merely doing what is expected of it. But these policies and actions wouldn’t matter if there had not been such abject neglect of the fundamental problems for years. Critics often forget that long before now, particularly during the industrial age, the leadership paradigm of the time used to see compassion as a weakness, along with other “soft” leadership skills. Compassionate leadership is now the gold standard of intelligent, practical, and people-centric leadership. Any organization or anyone desirous of success in leadership must embrace this. President Tinubu knows this so well. Compassion had been his second nature even before he got to leadership positions. As a gift for his 73rd birthday, the President deserves commendation for embracing this ideal.

*Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media, Publicity and Special Duties.

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It was the first cabinet reshuffle by President Tinubu 17 months after he assumed office. The way and manner he effected the changes were interesting. After Wednesday’s Federal Executive Council meeting, the President invited five of the 47 ministers to see him in his office. An ominous silence descended on the hallowed Council Chambers, the venue of the FEC meeting. Many in the chambers feared these five ministers were on their way out, that the sun had set on their tenures, and that the President was inviting them to convey the grim decision, a valedictory visit.

The five ministers that were  relieved of their ministerial roles following a scientific assessment of their performance in an exercise coordinated by Special Adviser to the President on Policy & Coordination Hadiza Bala Usman were those of Education-Prof. Tahir Mamman, Women Affairs- Mrs. Uju Kennedy Ohanenye, Tourism- Mrs. Lola Ade-John, Housing Development (State), Abdullahi Gwarzo and Youth Minister, Jamila Ibrahim Bio.

Inherent in the cabinet reshuffle was a restructuring to reinvigorate government machinery for optimal efficiency, consistent with the spirit of the much talked about Oronsaye Report. This is evident enough. President Tinubu scrapped the Ministry of Tourism, merging it with the Ministry of Arts and Creative Economy to form the Ministry of Arts, Culture, Tourism and Creative Economy. He also abolished the Ministry of Niger-Delta Development and, in its place, created the Ministry of Regional Development to oversee the various regional development commissions in the country, including the Niger-Delta Development Commission and North-East Development Commission as well as the North-West Development Commission and South-East Development Commission recently established by the Tinubu administration.

Creating separate ministries for each region like the case of Niger-Delta in the earlier dispensation would have been an unnecessary duplication and addition to the governance cost.

As part of the restructuring, the President also ensured that there are no longer two ministers in the ministries of Police Affairs and Youth Development, thus further reducing overheads.

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Beyond that, there are a few takeaways from the cabinet rejig and the new ministerial list.

One, the appointment of Bianca Odumegwu Ojukwu, wife of late Ikemba of Nnewi, Odumegwu Ojukwu, as a minister is noteworthy. Lawyer and diplomat, bringing on board Bianca as Minister of State for Foreign Affairs is a round peg in a round hole, given her experience as Nigeria’s Ambassador to Ghana and later Spain. Tapping Bianca for appointment from the opposition All Progressives Grand Alliance is a mark of political tolerance by President Tinubu. Also, coming on the heels of establishing the South-East Development Commission, this appointment is a good development for the South East. Many political watchers and pundits expect the region to reciprocate the gesture in the 2027 election.

The Tinubu administration is committed to the reforms and is implementing them faithfully. The reforms had become imperative in order to ensure sustainable growth. That the gains have yet to manifest fully is neither because the officials involved are unqualified, incapable, or unwilling to do the right thing. It’s because these reforms have gestation periods. They will fully manifest in the fullness of time, and the country will be better and more prosperous.

Two, in agriculture, the establishment of the Ministry of Livestock Development is novel and a problem-solver. Animal husbandry is part of the issue at the root of the incessant farmers-herders crisis, which involves sourcing food and water for cattle. This ministry is charged with managing the livestock economy and, by inference, addressing this seemingly intractable farmers-herders problem. And if this new ministry helped to resolve the crisis, the whole issue of insecurity on our farms and its attendant effects on food supply and security would have been resolved. Perhaps to demonstrate the government’s commitment to the livestock sector reforms, a workshop on the reforms was organised a day after the new cabinet composition, during which President Tinubu told all and sundry that the livestock economy is central to his administration’s vision.

Third, President Tinubu has set a record by affixing portfolios to the names of nominees sent to the Senate for confirmation as ministers. This makes sense because senators can now match the portfolios with the nominees’ academic backgrounds and professional experiences during confirmation hearings. This is a first in the country, and President Tinubu deserves commendation for this.

The fourth and final point concerns the expectation of some commentators who argued that the changes were not far-reaching enough. They said they expected a tinkering of the critical sectors of the economy, particularly oil and gas and finance. However, President Tinubu has done what is needed. There is now a Minister of State, Dr Doris Uzoka-Anite, to complement the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Olawale Edun. As former top management staff at Zenith Bank and later Commissioner for Finance in Governor Hope Uzodimma’s Imo State, Dr. Uzoka-Anite is equally grounded in finance and economic matters.

As it were, pressing issues in the critical economic sectors are being addressed. The policy changes introduced by the government have begun to produce positive results. This is evident in the available data. Nigeria’s revenue to debt service ratio has declined significantly, from 97% in 2023 to 68% in 2024, according to the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy. The country’s foreign reserves are also on the increase. Edun says the reserves are growing organically due to the government’s decision not to defend the Naira as was done in the past. Additionally, the country’s GDP grew by 2.98% in Q1 2024 compared to 2.31% in Q1 2023. The growth in Q1 2024 was due to the impressive performance in the financial services, insurance, mining and quarrying sectors.

Indeed, as the Americans would say, if it’s not broken, why fix it? The Tinubu administration is committed to the reforms and is implementing them faithfully. The reforms had become imperative in order to ensure sustainable growth. That the gains have yet to manifest fully is neither because the officials involved are unqualified, incapable, or unwilling to do the right thing. It’s because these reforms have gestation periods. They will fully manifest in the fullness of time, and the country will be better and more prosperous.

*Rahman is a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media Matters.

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“Alake on Rescue Mission” is much more than a photo book of activities, events and work of the Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dr. Oladele Henry Alake, in one year in office. It’s a serious-minded and exciting piece of writing on the minister’s stewardship.

If you see it as the official book on the Minister’s achievements in one year in office, you will hit the nail on the head. Appointed on August 15, 2023, Dr. Alake has spent around 14 months as Minister of Solid Minerals, meaning one year has actually passed on his watch of the ministry.

The book’s release was also planned to coincide with the minister’s 68th birthday on Sunday, October 6. However, the organisers of this book launch missed this date by a few days. Perhaps this was deliberate.

Because the book is on Alake’s stewardship, hard as one may try, it will be difficult to separate its contents from Alake’s scorecards. Both are mutually inclusive and as such, a review of the book also means an evaluation of the minister’s one year in office.

The 46-page book, which includes 24 articles, 34 pictures, and two appendixes, gives an account of all that has happened under Alake’s watch of the ministry. It presents a holistic idea of the changes that have been brought to bear on the mining sector in just one year.

In the first article, written by Mr. Kehinde Bamigbetan, the minister’s special adviser, we were taken through Dr Alake’s seven-point agenda for the ministry. Fashioning out a seven-point agenda within the Solid Mineral Development component of President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda underscored the seriousness with which Minister Alake had approached his assignment.

Many of us here recall the shock and trepidation that greeted the appointment of Dr. Alake, a media and communication expert and brilliant strategist, as Minister of Solid Mineral Development on August 15, 2023. Naysayers had predicted that Alake would find it difficult to find his feet in the technical field of mining, where geologists and mining engineers hold sway.

Indeed, the strategic importance of the mining sector to the country can hardly be over-emphasized.

According to official data, Nigeria is said to be endowed with over 40 types of minerals including gold, silica, lead, marble, tin ore, zinc, coal, iron ore, granite, laterite, manganese and limestone.

Nigeria sits on mining reserves worth $750billion following a preliminary report on assessment of the mining potentials by a German firm, GeoScan.

But the sector remains under developed, accounting for only 0.3% of Nigeria’s GDP.

So given the mining sector’s strategic place in the nation’s development goals and its potential to be a significant revenue earner for the country, President Tinubu might have decided to put in charge of the sector a trusted ally, a patriot,and an incorruptible man who he knew would make the difference.

Bamigbetan writes that Alake’s forte is strategy. It can be argued, and rightly, too, that one can conquer any ground with planning and strategy. Has Minister Alake mastered and conquered the mining sector? I will soon return to this vital question.

In the following three articles in the book, namely “Working with Dr Dele Alake,” “Celebrating Dr Henry Oladele Alake,” and “Driving us to Aim Higher,” three top public officers working with Dr Alake, including the Permanent Secretary in the ministry, Dr Mary Ogbe; Director-General, Mining Cadastral Office, an agency under the ministry, Engineer Simon Nkom; and the Head of Solid Minerals Development Fund respectively narrated their experience working with the minister, while also highlighting their roles and responsibilities within the ministry.

The trio seemed to be unanimous in their verdict. Permit me, however, to quote the Perm Sec: “Dr Alake’s unwavering dedication to Nigeria and excellence is something that we all strive to emulate as we work together to realise the full potential of our nation’s solid mineral sector.”

Writing on the topic “Dele Alake and the Power of Positive Influence,” Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Temitope Ajayi, in his contribution to the book, harped on the close relationship between President Tinubu and Dr. Alake. He surmised that “for many aides, associates, cabinet colleagues and friends of the President who have suggestions and advice for the President and cannot immediately reach him, Mr Alake is the go-to, knowing he has the ears of the President and will never shy from offering sound advice to him.”

It is noteworthy to mention a couple of other articles like the “Investment Report,” which gives an update on the situation with respect to foreign investment within the mining sector.  There is also a plethora of other articles, spotlighting the media and its relationship with the ministry like “Alake in the Eyes of the Media,” “Broadcasting Mining” and “Boosting Mining with Digital Media” among others.

What they all signpost is a good relationship with the ministry and a promise of more support.

Perhaps, a more interesting and instructive feature of the book is the addition of two articles written in those dark days of the military by Alake in his columns in the defunct National Concord. In “Civility in Public Appointments” published on November 23, 1987 and “Needed, a Cautious Economic Policy,” penned on March 13, 1989, the readers confront the firebrand and irrepressible activist who spared no word in condemning military regimes and their policies. If hitherto, many of those gathered here witnessed the sharp tongue of Mr. Alake against political opponents particularly during the campaign for the election of President Tinubu, now they would encounter his sharp pen as well.

In all, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, the leading article, bearing the title of the book “Alake on Rescue Mission” gives us a helicopter view of Dr. Alake’s watch in the ministry and impact in one year, and thus offers us room for interrogation.

Alake has lived up to the billing. He has worked the path trodden by seasoned journalists like Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Bisi Onabanjo and Alhaji Lateef Jakande, all of blessed memory and, of course, Dr. Christopher Kolade and our own Aremo Olusegun Osoba who all made the difference in public office. Looking at my crystal eyeball, even at 68, the future is still ahead of Dr. Alake.

The minister drew up a seven-point agenda. The first component, and perhaps the most important of the 7-point agenda, is the formation of the Nigerian Solid Minerals Corporation (NSMC). Realizing that attracting big investors is a major challenge of the sector, Bamigbetan tells readers that the NSMC “is the face of the Nigerian Mining Sector in the global business space, the go-to company for transactions and the deals to deepen the capital formation that will keep investors coming.”

The book reveals that the minister had sought to avoid the pitfalls of the defunct Nigerian Mining Corporation in coming up with the structure by comparing the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation with the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas, NLNG, company. Bamigbetan writes that “Leaning towards the latter, the minister is proposing a NSMC with 25 per cent shares held by the Federal Government of Nigeria, 25 per cent by Nigerians through a public offer, and 50 per cent by private corporate placement with the condition that no private placement exceeds 10 percent.”

It is important to note, however, that more than one year down the line, the NSMC is still in the works.

The question can be asked also as to whether foreign investments have rolled in into the mining sector. Following the Investment Report on Pages 11 to 14, there is cheering news. Under Alake’s watch, Nigeria has seen a steady rise in companies establishing mineral processing plants in the country. For example, in April 2024, the minister attended the commissioning of the Asba Group’s lithium processing plants, which is said to worth $50m and in a follow-up letter to the minister, further investments in a tin/tantalite processing plant worth $146m and a Tin/Columbite processing plant in Bauchi State worth $67m are underway to bring the group’s investment to approximately $263m.

There is also the $5m, which is already in Nigeria Lithium pegmatite belt of Kwara, Niger and FCT Abuja, by Canada-based Orosur Mining through its UK subsidiary Lithium West Limited as well as the commitment of Woodcross Resources to establish a tin refinery in the country, which will be the first of its kind.

However, it does appear that some of the factors that will attract investors to the sector may not be solely within the realm of the ministry. The government’s fiscal policies, business environment and economic situation in the country must mesh with the arrangements put in place by the ministry to attract more genuine investors.

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With respect to the second component of the agenda, the countrywide geological exploration of key minerals, to de-risk the investment and ensure the government acquires the precise geological data, the ministry had proposed N70 billion to the National Assembly in its budget. This important project is still being hampered by funds. As we say in this country, Nigeria may have happened to the ministry.

The minister has, however, recorded remarkable success in the area of the establishment of the Mining Marshals and introduction of satellite technology to monitor mining operations among others. On March 20, Alake inaugurated the Mining Marshals, drawn from the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps, in conjunction with the Ministry of Interior. With 60 officers per unit per the Federal Capital Territory and each of the 36 federation states, the Mining Marshals took off with 2,220 units. About a month later, the NSCDC boosted the Marshals with 350 additional 350 officers.

Given his commitment towards the resurgence and full development of the mining sector in Nigeria and Africa, Alake was also elected as the pioneer Chairman of the African Minerals Strategy Group, whose formation he spearheaded. Alake’s appointment to lead the group is a testament to his excellent leadership in the sector.

Putting the book “Alake on Rescue Mission” together, in the final analysis, is commendable. The book will be an invaluable resource for students, scholars, administrators, miners, and investors seeking knowledge and information about the ministry, its activities, and its offerings.

The content is rich, while the quality is high. Save for some identifiable typos, each article is a piece of good, clear, well-structured and easy-to-read writing. Its high aesthetic quality is also typical of the man the book is arranged to honour.

The jury is out on the minister’s performance in office. But has Minister Alake discharged himself creditably thus far? I think so. Alake has lived up to the billing. He has worked the path trodden by seasoned journalists like Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Bisi Onabanjo and Alhaji Lateef Jakande, all of blessed memory and, of course, Dr. Christopher Kolade and our own Aremo Olusegun Osoba who all made the difference in public office. Looking at my crystal eyeball, even at 68, the future is still ahead of Dr. Alake.

On this note, I would also like to wish him many more years and robust health so he can continue offering our country more valuable services.

I thank you all for listening to me.

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