For those who saw that video of the boastful monarch leading the assault on a hapless man, I am sure the thought would be that justice has been served with the news that Oba Abdulsemiyu Adewale Ogunjobi, the Olorile of Orile-Ifo in Ogun State has been remanded. Once more, it seems that social media has provided some solace to another ordinary Nigerian who, otherwise would have been another statistic of victims of the mindless and reckless abuse of office by leaders who like to play god when no one is looking. That feeling would be justified given the visible demonstration of raw power by the monarch, whose utterances suggested that he was above the law.

The footage, which showed the monarch assaulting a subject, 73-year-old Areola Abraham, sparked widespread outrage, culminating in swift government intervention. This incident highlights the digital transformation of the media and the potential power of social media in holding individuals – regardless of their status – accountable. In a country where traditional mechanisms of justice are controlled by and often privilege the influential, social media has emerged as a powerful force for transparency and social justice that allows the common man to cut through the bureaucracy. In addition, it underlines the vulnerability of otherwise untouchable men and women or their institutions when they are dragged to the court of public opinion.

I am constrained to ask: How reliable is the justice driven by virality? Is online outrage the best mechanism for ensuring accountability? And, perhaps most important, does this signify a fundamental shift in how power and privilege operate in Nigeria? For a country like ours, where justice is often slow and, at times, elusive for the common man, these questions are important.

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The capacity of social media to amplify voices and highlight injustices is not new. In 2013, Adams Oshiomhole, then the governor of Edo State was forced to make a public apology, appease the widow with a cash gift of almost N2 million and employment after he was caught on camera insulting a widow for breaking the state’s law against street trading. His meeting with the widow after the backlash that followed the publication of the video on YouTube and other social media platforms like Facebook was humbling to say the least, given his brash posture during the encounter on the street. Other events like #EndSARS and #OccupyNigeria also demonstrated the power of digital activism in mobilising public opinion. These campaigns not only forced conversations about systemic issues but sometimes also pressured authorities into taking action.

Without a doubt, social media has democratised access to justice by providing ordinary citizens a voice in the public sphere. Traditionally, victims of abuse like the one suffered by Areola Abraham would suffer in silence for fear of retribution or systemic inefficiencies. As we just witnessed, social media has changed the rules of engagement. A single post, video, or tweet can reach thousands – or even millions – within hours, forcing those in power to respond, most times against their natural instincts.

I believe, that as usual, that prospect of digital activism being used as a tool for truth and accountability is too enticing to allow the ‘pressure points’ serve as a roadblock. It is in finding the right balance that ordinary Nigerians can truly enjoy freedom without the likes of the Olorile operating as if they control the existence of those below their status.

The 2020 #EndSARS protest is one good illustration of advocacy successfully driven by social media as it led to the disbandment of the notorious Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). It is interesting that #EndSARS mirrors the Olorile case, with social media allowing for grievances to be aired on a scale that otherwise would have been impossible and in that sense; it is tempting to think that digital platforms have become effective mechanisms for social change. As good as it sounds, that would be a rather misleading conclusion.

True to form, once the video of the elderly Areola Abraham being harassed surfaced online, it took on a life of its own leading to a backlash on social media that ultimately led to the suspension of the errant Oba. Given the speed with which the Ogun State government moved to suspend the Olorile and had him charged to court, it looks as if a viral content of this nature is a powerful weapon against impunity. What that means is that those like the Olorile who once acted with impunity now face unprecedented scrutiny. This raises important questions. First, why do those misusing power allow those moments to be captured on video? And then of course, how do we mitigate the likelihood of trial by media, knowing that at best, these kinds of content were results of citizen journalism. The two questions are important because we already know that acts of journalism does not necessarily make one a journalist; and that moments captured privately – unless it is recorded with the permission of the participants – are subject to privacy laws.

Doubtless, being able to record and share real-time events,  guarantees that stories like that of Areola Abraham that would have been buried under bureaucracy have the potential to reach a wide audience. The downside? The online public, being so emotive, could lead a mob justice that often forecloses the measured deliberation that every accused should ordinarily enjoy. While there is no dispute about the Olorile harassment video, the accuracy of viral stories and videos are oftentimes questionable; a concern that digital activists do not share. In an era where misinformation is an ever-present part of the communication mix; somehow, we need to find the right balance that allows for public scrutiny of people like Olorile but ensures that justice is fairly served.

As mentioned earlier, cases of this nature have historically been swept under carpets of elite influence and bureaucracy but in addition to responding to the outcry on social media; the Egba Traditional Council is believed to have aligned with the Ogun State government to support the suspension of the Olorile. So, while it appears that digital activism is becoming a factor in the administration of justice, and that leaders are becoming aware of the public scrutiny of their actions, there is still the need to balance prompt action with the dangers of being driven by online public sentiment. There has to be a clear line to distinguish the calls for justice and digital mob rule. While digital activism may help to expose wrongdoing, there is a need to ensure that the justice system is strong enough to deal with the likes of the Olorile who have the tendency to abuse their offices.

Regardless of where this case ends, digital activists can take pride in the fact that a boastful monarch was humbled because people demanded justice. In addition, the case may provide some direction for future digital activisms. Anyone with some reasonable level of digital literacy now know that whenever they publicly witness anything that looks like injustice – and where doing so does not expose them to danger – they would be serving the public good by capturing the moment on video.

The suspension and remand of Oba Abdulsemiyu Adewale Ogunjobi is one good example of the growing influence of digital activism on social justice and how social media is replacing the media as ‘courts of public opinion,’ able to hold errant leaders to account in a system that has the tendency to privilege the well-heeled and the well-connected. As ordinary Nigerians embrace the opportunities in digital activism, there are likely going to be pressure points, either of the miscarriage of justice as in when people rush to conclusions or are misled by doctored videos. Or when roguish leaders like the Olorile learn to cover up their acts and attempt to ‘enforce controls’ that are near impossible in an age when everyone with a smartphone and internet connection is a publisher.

I believe, that as usual, that prospect of digital activism being used as a tool for truth and accountability is too enticing to allow the ‘pressure points’ serve as a roadblock. It is in finding the right balance that ordinary Nigerians can truly enjoy freedom without the likes of the Olorile operating as if they control the existence of those below their status.

*Olaniyan, PhD is a seasoned media specialist, digital marketer and a certified leadership coach.

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Aliu Adams Oshiomhole needs no introduction in Nigeria’s politics. From his days as a labour leader, after being elected President of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), to his days as a politician, starting as the National Chairman of the All Progressive Congress, (APC), and as a two-time Governor of Edo State and now as a Senator representing Edo North in the Senate, Oshiomhole is an old war-horse who calls a spade by no other name.

On Monday last week, he propounded a theory that is worth considering by those in the ivory towers. Speaking during a forum on Local Government autonomy organized by the House of Representatives in Abuja, Oshiomhole said that it is preferable for Nigeria to have 774 local government chairmen who are corrupt than to have a single centralized leader who controls and steals all the resources of the nation.

Let me quote him: “The issue we have to address is about character. Whether money allocated to local government chairmen is stolen or shared with other non-state actors and abused regulations, what will change? The bottom line of this conversation is that if we transfer money directly to the local government, will that mean more development at the local government level? That, for me, is a matter of character. If we want to reduce local government stealing money, I have argued that it’s better to have 774 thieves, with each local government producing one or two billionaires, than to have one big man taking everything. I am completely for local government autonomy. I also believe that whoever has power must account for it at whatever level. I only hope and pray that God will give the National Assembly the wisdom to review the legal framework such that it is easier to punish a local government Chairman (that steals) than the Governor who is in office, and you have to wait for eight years (to punish him)”.

That was the new theory propounded by Oshiomhole. In essence, we should allow 774 council chairmen to steal rather than a Governor or a President doing all the stealing. More or less liberalising stealing and justifying it at the local government level.

Ronald Hope Sr. and Borrwell Chikulo, in a seminar paper titled: ‘Corruption and Development In Africa: Lesson from Case Studies’, noted that ‘’corruption in Africa has reached cancerous proportions. In fact, so pervasive is this phenomenon in the region that it has been labelled the ‘AIDS of democracy’, which is destroying the future of many societies in the region. The corruption problem in Africa reflects the more general, and now legendary climate of unethical leadership and bad governance found throughout most of the continent.’’

Also, writing in African Journal on Politics and Administrative Studies, the trio of Ibrahim S. Muhammad, Sanusi Abdul Wasiu, and Muddassir Ahmad Gado, also examined ‘Corruption and Its Impact On Socio-Economic Development in Selected Countries of Africa’, and noted that Africa is indeed a continent blessed with an abundance of natural resources, ranging from valuable minerals like gold, diamonds, copper, and oil. These resources, they noted, hold immense potential for fostering economic growth and development across the continent. However, Africa continues to grapple with extreme poverty and underdevelopment, with corruption being identified as a major impediment to progress.

In their work, the trio focused on the pervasive issue of corruption in Africa, with Nigeria, Uganda, and Zimbabwe as case studies.

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Their findings revealed the staggering impact of corruption on Africa’s development, with annual losses of approximately $60 to $100 billion due to illicit financial flows, while highlighting that the flows divert resources away from political and socio-economic advancement, exacerbating widespread impoverishment. In their conclusion, the authors underscored the corrosive effect of corruption on Africa’s development and offered several recommendations to address the issue, which include promoting merit-based leadership selection, enforcing stronger legal actions against corruption, empowering anti-corruption agencies, engaging citizens and civil society in the fight against corruption, and strengthening the rule of law and judicial independence. These recommendations aim to pave the way for a more transparent and accountable future in Africa.

We need to strengthen our institutions to prevent widespread abuse and large-scale looting of our treasury. It is so easy for those in power to steal billions of Naira and get away with it. Except that is done, we can rightly describe Nigeria as a Banana Republic, where anything goes.

Indeed, the impact of corruption in Nigeria is glaring for all to see, with 70 per cent of the population swimming in multi-dimensional poverty. With hunger and deprivation walking on all fours, taking its toll on the hapless majority while a tiny fraction of the elites seem to have cornered the nation’s wealth for themselves and their nuclear families.

Should we then examine Oshiomhole’s queer suggestion that we should fully liberalise the persistent looting of the country in the hope that it would have a wider spread and impact and either directly or indirectly work towards the eradication of poverty amongst the masses? A ‘fantastically corrupt’ local government chairman, (apologies to Donald Trump) would have at least 10 members of his immediate family that would benefit from his looting of the treasury which would also percolate to several others who could also benefit from the looting. In a sense, hundreds, if not thousands of their children, wives, side chicks and relatives of these council chairmen stand to gain massively from the direct allocation of resources to the third tier of government as sanctioned by the Supreme Court.

If we liberalise stealing at the local government level, at the end of each election cycle, whether it is three or four years, we would have produced hundreds, if not thousands of billionaires instead of just 36 Governors and the FCT boss directly in charge of local government funds.

Oshiomhole’s argument has also been strongly validated by the discovery of 753 duplexes in Abuja owned by the former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN), Godwin Emefiele. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), also, during the week, secured the final forfeiture of those duplexes to the Federal Government. While ruling on the Commission’s application for the final forfeiture of the property, Justice Jude Onwuegbuzie held that the respondent had not shown cause as to why he should not lose the property, “which has been reasonably suspected to have been acquired with proceeds of unlawful activities, the property is hereby finally forfeited to the federal government.”

Yet, this is just one of the properties that has been associated with the former CBN Governor. There are several others outside the shores of the country. Since the revelation by the anti-graft agency, most Nigerians are still wondering why Emefiele would contemplate such a huge estate, given the level of poverty in the land. Again, it goes to show how loose our institutions are as well as the lousy accounting structures that makes it possible for an individual to steal such humongous amounts of money from the system.

In the last couple of days, social media has been awash with some Nigerians calling for a ‘wedding’ between Emefiele and Diezani Alison-Madueke, another former Minister of Nigeria that has been identified as corruption personified owing to the frightening amounts of monies and assets she acquired from alleged corrupt practices while in office.

There is no denying the fact that corruption has brought Nigeria to its knees. This country is already tottering on the precipice. We all must be determined and resolute in our efforts at taming the monster of corruption in our midst.  Until we Africans decide to react forcefully against the stench of corruption to which we are currently subjected, corruption will remain a societal norm, poisoning civil society and splitting it into rent-seeking elites and helpless spectators.

Most Nigerians can no longer afford three square meals in a day in spite of the God-given resources at our disposal. Many of those in government steal what they do not even need and in the process, hinder the growth and development of the people and the country.

While Oshiomhole is pushing for his liberalisation of stealing, in the belief that it would eventually spread wealth and reduce the inequality gaps in the system, I would however, canvass for the death penalty for those who are cornering our wealth for themselves and families alone. However, my own recommendation would have a human face. If you are caught stealing below N10 million, the money should be recovered and the individual sent to jail for one year. The thinking here is that the person concerned is hungry and was looking for what to eat. Those caught stealing above N10 million but below N100 million should have the fund recovered and sent to jail for five years without an option of fine.

Any Nigerian caught stealing any amount above N100 million up to a N1 billion should be sentenced to life imprisonment, as such an individual is not bothered about the welfare of his fellow citizens; while anyone caught stealing any amount above N1 billion should face the firing squad after the loot must have been recovered. It is believed that those in the last category are hired killers who have no scant regard for their fellow citizens. Their lawyers should also get some form of punishment. If those that are ‘fantastically corrupt’ are put to death, it will send the right signal to other prospective looters and there would be sanity in the system. China and Vietnam have the death penalty for government officials involved in fraud and other vices.

We should be bothered as a nation that corruption has eaten deep into the fabrics of our national life. We need to strengthen our institutions to prevent widespread abuse and large-scale looting of our treasury. It is so easy for those in power to steal billions of Naira and get away with it. Except that is done, we can rightly describe Nigeria as a Banana Republic, where anything goes.

See you next week.

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In a statement on Tuesday in Benin, Mr Fred Itua, the Chief Press Secretary to the governor, said the nomination of Osagie and Oshiomhole would be confirmed by the Edo State House of Assembly.

“Ikhilor was born on August 6, 1980 at the University of Benin Teaching Hospital, Benin City, Edo State.

“Ikhilor attended Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, where he obtained an LL.B in 2008 (Second Class Upper Division).

“In 2009, he obtained a B.L. (Second class Upper Division) at the Nigerian Law School and was enrolled as a Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

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“In 2017, Ikhilor proceeded to acquire his Masters’ degree in Telecommunications Law (LL.M) from Sir Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria,” the statement said.

According him, Ikhilor has over 11 years of experience in Legislative Drafting, Parliamentary Administration, Lawmaking procedure and processes, Constitutional drafting and amendment, among others.

The statement added that Ikhilor also had experience in general legislative governance having worked in various capacities at the National Assembly.

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