Shell Nigeria Gas, SNG, recently hosted a Business and Investment Forum in Port Harcourt, bringing together key industry stakeholders to explore opportunities to reduce operating costs, enhance productivity, unlock investment returns, and strengthen competitiveness through the adoption of natural gas.

The forum coincided with the onboarding of two new industrial customers in Agbara, Ogun State—Intercontinental Distillers Limited II, IDL, and Rumbu Industries Limited—into SNG’s expanding gas distribution network.

These additions bring the total number of companies leveraging SNG’s cleaner and more cost-effective energy solutions to over 150, many of whom are already experiencing improved operational efficiency and financial performance.

The event attracted a broad spectrum of participants, including manufacturers, gas users, investors, development agencies, and policymakers.

It aimed to promote sustainable economic growth in Rivers State and the wider Niger Delta region by fostering investment and strengthening collaboration across the energy value chain.

Representatives from prominent institutions attended the forum, including the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, NMDPRA, the Bank of Industry, the Rivers State Investment Promotion Agency, the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (Rivers and Bayelsa chapters), the Port Harcourt Chamber of Commerce, and the Niger Delta Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines and Agriculture.

In a keynote address delivered by SNG’s Head of Gas Distribution, Chukwuka Amos-Ejesi, on behalf of the Managing Director, SNG, Ralph Gbobo, the strategic advantages of natural gas for manufacturers were highlighted.

“Companies that transition to natural gas consistently benefit from lower and more predictable energy costs, reduced exposure to liquid fuel price volatility, enhanced operational uptime, improved planning certainty, and stronger competitive offering for their customers,” he said. “Our focus is to provide solutions that deliver immediate economic value while supporting long-term growth.”

SNG officials also presented insights into the company’s role within the gas value chain, infrastructure footprint, and ongoing expansion plans, particularly in Rivers State.

They highlighted the economic and environmental advantages of natural gas relative to alternative energy sources such as diesel, and outlined emerging investment opportunities in gas distribution, industrial supply, and power generation.

Stakeholders commended SNG for convening the forum, expressing optimism that increased gas adoption could help address longstanding challenges related to energy availability and productivity in the region.

Idaere Gogo Ogan, Board Chairman of the Niger Delta Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Trade, Mines and Agriculture, represented by the Board Secretary, Chief Solomon Edebiri, emphasized the transformative potential of gas, noting that over 500 companies in the Niger Delta had ceased operations in recent years.

“Effective utilization of gas can significantly reshape industrial practices and revive business activity in the region,” he stated.

The event also marked the execution of Gas Sales and Purchase Agreements with two customers; Boskel Nigeria Limited and Bluefinn Global Resource Limited in Rivers and Bayelsa State further strengthening SNG’s footprint in the Niger Delta.

Meanwhile, the integration of Intercontinental Distillers Limited II and Rumbu Industries Limited into SNG’s network marks another milestone in the company’s expansion efforts.

The gas supply to these facilities is equivalent to approximately 4MW of electricity, enabling increased production efficiency and reduced operating costs.

These developments stem from a collaborative partnership between SNG, NNPC Gas Marketing Limited (NGML), and the Customer.

According to Gbobo, “These milestones underscore our commitment to expanding our gas distribution footprint, deepening customer engagement, and supporting Nigeria’s industrial growth.”

Executives from the newly connected companies expressed appreciation for SNG’s role in enhancing their operational capabilities and business performance through reliable and affordable energy supply.

Founded in 1998 as a wholly owned subsidiary of Shell, SNG currently provides gas distribution services to industrial customers across Abia, Bayelsa, Ogun, and Rivers States.

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The authority’s Chief Executive, Mr Saidu Mohammed, stated this on Sunday in Ogbele community, Ahoada East local government area of Rivers, during an inspection of Aradel Holdings Plc facilities.

Mohammed attributed the expected price reduction to rising supply, increased competition and sustained private sector investments in the oil and gas sector.

According to him, Nigerians are gradually moving towards affordable energy as improved supply continues to drive price stability.

“The more supply we have, the lower the price, and this is already evident as petrol has dropped from about N1,000 to N800 per litre due to competition,” he said.

Mohammed explained that the removal of fuel subsidy had allowed market forces to function properly, improving efficiency across the downstream sector.

“Sustained competition, rather than subsidies, will guaranty adequate supply of petrol and gas at affordable prices for Nigerians,” he added.

He stressed the need for additional refineries with advanced conversion capacity to produce diesel, fuel oil, naphtha, LPG and petrol.

The NMDPRA chief said Nigeria’s ambition extended beyond local consumption to exporting petroleum products to Africa, Europe and the Americas.

“However, domestic demand must first be adequately met by local operators before large-scale exports can commence,” he said.

Mohammed noted that President Bola Tinubu strongly supported a free-market economy, recalling that subsidy removal was the president’s first major policy decision.

According to him, the policy unlocked private sector participation and stimulated investments across the oil and gas value chain.

On the state-owned refineries, Mohammed said their operational conditions largely remained the responsibility of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited, NNPCL.

NMDPRA, he said, was engaging NNPCL to ensure the delivery of crude oil and petroleum product to the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries reserves.

“Delivery of products to the reserves and restoring loading activities at the refineries will boost local economies and revive product distribution within host communities.

“Once product loading resumes, Nigerians will begin to feel the economic impact, even before full refinery operations,” he said.

Mohammed added that Nigeria’s economic growth depended heavily on the rapid expansion of locally owned midstream assets.

He said facilities inspected during his three-day operational tour across Rivers demonstrated that Nigerians had the capacity to design, finance, build and sustainably operate world-class energy infrastructure.

He singled out Aradel Holdings, nothing that the company had proven that Nigerians could efficiently operate a refinery sustainably without foreign operatorship.

Mohammed disclosed that Aradel’s ongoing expansion would enable the loading of petrol from its facility before the end of 2027.

“Aradel has supplied gas to Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) for about 13 years, alongside also operating an 11,000-barrels-per-day refinery.

“The company also runs a virtual gas pipeline, producing compressed natural gas distributed across several parts of Nigeria,” he said.

He urged further investments in refining, noting that the Dangote Refinery alone could not meet domestic, continental and global demand.

He described the midstream sector as Nigeria’s strongest driver of economic growth, capable of stimulating manufacturing, power generation, transportation and other productive sectors.

Mohammed gave the assurance that the NMDPRA would continue to provide regulatory incentives to attract large-scale investments into the midstream sector.

Responding, Managing Director of Aradel Holdings, Mr Adegbite Falade, thanked NMDPRA for its regulatory support and confidence in operators.

Falade said the company remained committed to expanding refining capacity, commercialising gas and eliminating routine gas flaring.

“We are not overwhelmed by rising demand, as the company is already expanding its refining capacity beyond current levels.

“Aradel aims to be part of the long-term solution to Nigeria’s energy supply challenges. Nigerians should expect continued scaling, local value addition and prioritisation of domestic energy needs,” he said.

Source: NAN

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The action was taken through his legal representative.

The move followed the withdrawal of the same petition from the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, ICPC, a strategic decision aimed at accelerating the prosecution process.

In the petition signed by Lead Counsel Dr. O.J. Onoja S.A.N, Dangote urged the EFCC to investigate allegations of abuse of office and corrupt enrichment against Mr. Ahmed and prosecute him if found culpable.

“We make bold to state that the commission is strategically positioned along with sister agencies to prosecute financial crimes and corruption related offences, and upon establishing a prima facie case, the courts do not hesitate to punish offenders. See Lawan v. F.R.N (2024) 12 NWLR (Pt. 1953) 501 and Shema v. F.R.N. (2018) 9 NWLR (Pt.1624)337.”

Onoja further urged the commission, under the leadership of Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede, “…to investigate the complaint of Abuse of Office and Corruption against Engr. Farouk Ahmed and to accordingly prosecute him if found wanting.”

The petition also stated that: “The commission’s firm resolve in handling this matter with dispatch is not only imperative and expedient but will also serve as a deterrent to other public officers out there with such corrupt proneness and tendencies.”

The development reinforces Dangote’s unwavering commitment to transparency and accountability in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector.

It will be recalled that on December 14, 2025, Dangote raised concerns about Mr. Ahmed’s financial dealings, alleging that the former regulator is living far beyond his legitimate means.

According to Dangote, four of Mr. Ahmed’s children attended elite secondary schools in Switzerland, incurring costs running into several millions of dollars—an expenditure that raises questions about potential conflicts of interest and the integrity of regulatory oversight in the downstream petroleum industry.

Dangote listed the schools attended by Mr. Ahmed’s children: Faisal Farouk (Montreux School), Farouk Jr. (Aiglon College), Ashraf Farouk (Institut Le Rosey), and Farhana Farouk (La Garenne International School), noting that each child spent six years in these institutions.

He estimated annual tuition, travel, and upkeep per child at $200,000, totaling approximately $5 million for their secondary education.

Additionally, Dangote alleged that Mr. Ahmed spent another $2 million on tertiary education for the four children, including $210,000 for Faisal’s 2025 Harvard MBA programme.

“Nigerians deserve to know the source of these funds, especially when many parents in Mr. Ahmed’s home state of Sokoto struggle to pay as little as ₦10,000 in school fees,” Dangote stated.

The petition calls for a comprehensive investigation to ensure accountability and restore public confidence in Nigeria’s regulatory institutions.

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ICPC spokesperson, John Odey, who said this in a statement on Wednesday in Abuja, noted that the commission had already commenced investigations into the allegation in the interest of Nigerians.

“The ICPC will therefore continue to investigate this matter in line with its statutory mandate and in the interest of transparency, accountability and the fight against corruption for the benefit of Nigeria.”

He said that the commission received a letter dated January 5, titled “Notice of Withdrawal of Petition against Engineer Farouk Ahmed,” signed by Dr O.J. Onoja, SAN and Associates, legal counsel to Dangote.

”The letter from O.J. Onoja SAN, states that the petitioner has withdrawn the petition dated 16th December, 2025, submitted against Engineer Farouk Ahmed, the immediate past ACE/CEO of the NMDPRA in its entirety and that another law enforcement agency has taken over.

”The ICPC wishes to state categorically that in line with the provisions of sections 3(14) and 27(3) of its enabling Act, the investigations in the interest of the Nigerian people and the Nigerian state have already commenced and are presently ongoing.

”The ICPC will therefore continue to investigate this matter in line with its statutory mandate and in the interest of transparency, accountability and the fight against corruption for the benefit of Nigeria.”

Source: NAN

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The Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga, made this known on Monday in a statement he issued.

In the first letter, President Tinubu nominated Senator Magnus Abe to serve as the NUPRC board chair.

Abe, who represented Rivers South East in the Senate for two terms, is a former NNPC board member and current chairman of the National Agency of the Great Green Wall.

Other nominees for the NUPRC board are Engineer Paul Yaro Jezhi, a former Trade Union Congress chairman in Kaduna, and Mr Sunday Adebayo Babalola, a former deputy director of the Department of Petroleum Resources, DPR, which was abolished by the PIA in 2021.

Both men will serve as non-executive commissioners.

President Tinubu also nominated executive commissioners to the board.

They are: Muhammed Sabo Lamido, executive commissioner for finance; Mr Edu Inyang, executive commissioner for Exploration and Acreage; Justin Ezeala, executive commissioner for economic regulation and strategic planning; and Henry Darlington Oki, executive commissioner for Development and Production.

Others are Indabawa Bashari Alka, executive commissioner for corporate services and administration; Mahmood Tijani, executive commissioner for health, safety and environment; and Ms Olayemi Adeboyejo, as secretary and legal adviser.

Former President Buhari appointed Lamido and Adeboyejo in 2022,  while President Tinubu appointed Alka in 2023.

Inyang, Ezeala, the former managing director of Nigerian Gas Marketing Limited, Mahmood Tijani, Babalola and Jezhi are new appointees of President Tinubu.

In his second letter to the Senate, President Tinubu nominated Mr Adegbite Ebiowei Adeniji, a lawyer, as chairman of the NMDPRA board.

Adeniji has over 30 years of experience in energy and natural resources issues.

He was a special technical adviser to the Minister of State for Petroleum on upstream and gas until 2018.

He was a member of the Oil & Gas Policy team at the World Bank, which advised the Government of Nigeria on the reform and restructuring of the petroleum sector, including the development of the Strategic Gas Plan for Nigeria.

He is currently the managing partner at ENR Advisory.

President Tinubu also nominated Chief Kenneth Kobani and Mrs Asabe Ahmed as non-executive members.

Kobani was a minister of state for trade under President Jonathan and secretary to the government of Rivers State, under Nyesom Wike.

Also nominated for confirmation are Abiodun Adeniji, executive director of finance; Francis Ogaree, executive director of hydrocarbon; Oluwole Adama, executive director of midstream and Downstream gas infrastructure; and Dr Mustapha Lamorde, executive director of Corporate Services and Administration. President Tinubu appointed Adama in 2024, while late President Buhari appointed Lamorde and Adeniji in 2021 and Ogaree in 2022.

Other members of the NMDPRA board, as proposed by President Tinubu, are Mr Yahaya Nasamu Yinusa, executive director, distribution systems; Adeyemi Murtala Aminu, executive director, corporate services; Ms Modie Ogechukwu, executive director, economic regulation and strategic planning; and Barrister Olawale Dawodu, as board secretary and legal adviser.

Dawodu is an industry player and was, at a time, the Financial Reporting Manager at Exxon Nigerian subsidiaries.

The president urged the Senate to approve the nominees expeditiously.

The requests followed the recent appointment of chief executive officers for the two regulatory agencies.

The Senate confirmed Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan as the chief executive officer, CEO, of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) and Engineer Saidu Aliyu Mohammed as CEO of NMDPRA.

The president has charged all the appointees and nominees to discharge their duties and responsibilities professionally as regulators of the oil and gas sectors.

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Public debate on government finances in Nigeria is once again clouded by confusion, little knowledge, and deliberate misrepresentation. At the centre of the current controversy is a misunderstanding of the distinction between total revenue generated by government agencies and the portion that actually belongs to the federal government.

The confusion has been amplified by commentators who should know better and by a media ecosystem increasingly driven by noise rather than nuance. As a result, statements by President Bola Tinubu on revenue performance and remarks by the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Mr Wale Edun, have been wrongly framed as contradictory, when in fact they address two entirely different fiscal realities.

There is a deliberate effort by some individuals to muddy the waters by feeding the public with misleading information. One wonders why anyone would take pleasure in unleashing such information warfare on the public.

Regrettably, it appears the mainstream media, which should help frame rational and meaningful public discourse, increasingly relies on social media for stories. They appear more interested in amplifying popular sentiments, even when wrong or absurd, for clicks and views rather than clarity. The situation is even worse on television and radio, where self-styled experts are given ample airtime to spread ignorance. These individuals parade themselves as public affairs analysts, often lacking the requisite expertise.

Last September, President Tinubu said the federal government had achieved its non-oil revenue target for 2025 by August. He made this statement during a meeting with members of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and The Buhari Organisation (TBO), led by former governor of Nasarawa State, Senator Tanko Al-Makura.

By August, the Nigeria Revenue Service had collected over ₦22 trillion in taxes, while the Nigeria Customs Service had generated over ₦5 trillion. The NNPC also reported several trillions of naira in remittances to the government. These figures did not even include receipts from other revenue-generating agencies such as the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA), the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), and others.

However, during a public hearing at the National Assembly late last year, Edun said the Federal Government could not fund its capital budget adequately because it did not have enough money. Some analysts and opposition figures, due to their poor understanding of the minister’s statement, seized on it as a talking point to misinform Nigerians. In reality, President Tinubu was correct, and Minister Edun did not contradict him.

Here are the facts:

President Tinubu was right to say revenue targets were met, as revenue-generating agencies exceeded their 2025 targets. Meeting revenue targets does not mean a government has all the money it needs. No government in the world, including the wealthiest nations, has all the money it needs. This is why most governments run deficits. A deficit is the gap between revenue and expenditure, which is usually financed through borrowing and other non-revenue sources. Nigeria’s situation is like that of a man who needs ₦10 million annually to meet his personal and family obligations but earns ₦3 million. If he sets a target to increase his income to ₦6 million and succeeds, he has met his target but still falls short of his needs.

All revenues generated by agencies such as the Nigeria Revenue Service, NNPC, NIMASA, NPA, Customs, NCC, NMDPRA, and NUPRC are paid into the Federation Account. The money in the Federation Account does not belong solely to the Federal Government. It is a pool from which the federal government, state, and local governments receive their statutory allocations.

When Mr. Edun spoke about ₦10 trillion as Federal Government revenue in 2025, he was referring to the Federal Government’s share from the Federation Account— the actual money available for federal spending.

The money being spent by the 36 states, the FCT, and the 774 local governments is primarily derived from the Federation Account through monthly FAAC allocations, as stipulated by the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Apart from Lagos State, Rivers State, the Federal Capital Territory and possibly two other states, over 90 per cent of the revenue of 32 states and the 774 local governments comes from their share of the Federation Account. The internally generated revenue of many states and local governments, as reflected in their 2026 budget proposals, is less than 10 percent of their planned expenditure for the year. It, therefore, the federally collected revenues into the federation account that the entire machinery of the three levels of government essentially run on. It is very important that this distinction is made for a better public understanding of how our government is funded.

While it is the job of the opposition and civil society to criticise and hold the government accountable, the media must act as the buffer and guardrails in promoting honest and open public conversations. The media as the watchdog and moral compass of the society should frame national debate in a way that the public is properly educated and enlightened. A well-informed citizenry is essential to sustaining democracy and promoting good governance. Democracy is endangered when charlatans are given unhindered access to microphones to ventilate falsehoods and misrepresent facts.

*Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity

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But who could have imagined that the 2024 Gen Zs’ “no gree for anybody” slogan would get a lease of life from the least likely quarter? Dangote volunteered. He tore through the muscles of powerful oil sectors’ big men. Only one was in sight but big ones fell! And even a third. Dangote no gree for anybody.   He has come to reaffirm his conquest of the sector. May the conquest signal better future for citizens.

Yeah, unlike POTUS Trump, Nigeria’s Aliko Dangote, ran an unusual race and breasted the tape. By all means, Trump, strangely, sought the Nobel Peace Prize this year, 2025 but it all ended in praise.  For the judges, as you know, who reaffirmed their consistency by giving it to the deserving, a Venezuelan, Maria Corina Machado. May Venezuela survive the raging oil-induced envy.

Aliko Dangote, serial winner on all choice business fronts, renowned for his relentlessly expansionist business drive was about being stopped from clinching my nomination by some feeble appointee like that, Farouk Ahmed. Comparatively feeble, yes. Engineer Ahmed, long sworn against the welfare of the multitude was up to some vicious machination he planned to inflict on Nigerians again, this Yuletide season. But God had a better plan for Nigerians. Far, from Ahmed’s. Indeed, superior. Until recently, he was the Chief Executive Officer, CEO, of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, NMDPRA.

To the extreme delight of many Nigerians, Dangote announced a slashed price for fuel by as much as almost #200. Ahmed and company wanted a different, constraining deal for Nigerians and even started cooking some sentiments.  There was no stopping daring Dangote. He had tolerated Ahmed and company enough.

In the heat of the moment, Dangote alerted Nigerians to the fact that Engineer Ahmed as the head of NMDPRA preferred the regime of continued importation of fuel which impliedly would mean prolonged era of high price of fuel at possibly #1000 per litre very soon. Meanwhile, Dangote is here with the offer of #739 pump-head price deriving from #699 gantry price from which #300 accrues to the government on every litre.

Without mincing words, Dangote said the otherwise unprintable, alleging Engineer Ahmed’s overindulgence in messy corruption but Dangote would not play ball to sustain and would rather spill all beans. After what looked like the initial threats by Dangote, and Ahmed did not seem to be ruffled, Dangote got his lawyer, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN, to file a formal complaint against the stubborn perpetrator of the anti-people officialdom. It finally became public knowledge that this character had been living beyond his means at the expense of what he could hardly defend. The onus is now on the Independent Corrupt Practice Commission, ICPC, to do all verification for the world to know the villain further.

Few months back, Ahmed and company had played a fast one on the entire nation claiming the Port Harcourt refinery  long abandoned and declared a ne’er do well by the legendary Obasanjo, was back in good shape. Nah!

They conjured it all and made it look real, televising all the falsehoods for the world to lap up. Only for them to recoil after giving so much life to sheer deceit. But who knows how much would have been gulped by the show of shame mounted by Engineer Ahmed and fellow swindlers of taxpayers’ sweats?

Even now that Ahmed has been compelled to hand in his resignation letter, his taciturnity has continued.  But a certain Engineer Kailani that Dangote never mentioned plunged into the dark alley of Ahmed’s fight.  According to him, on Trust TV, he knew how Dangote made his money from Port Harcourt but that some of them just chose to keep quiet.

Really? Again, Dangote no gree for anybody! He slammed an ultimatum of seven days on the self-appointed advocate of Ahmed to do full throttle disclosure of all he knew about how Dangote made his money in Port Harcourt failing which he ran the risk of a #100 billion suit. But guy was a mere mouth-maker. He hurried back to Trust TV to swallow his words. He went on to apologise and in his characteristic sweeping sobbing muttered that his north had ways with Allah knows what.

The good thing for now however is that Dangote has crashed the pump-head price of fuel from over #900 or so to #739 in Lagos, at least at MRS stations. This writer bought from Palmgrove station Monday December 22, 2025. The price crasher went further to enjoin members of the public to report stations declining to dispense at the stated price.

This Dangote’s new found love for activism came on the heel of the recent inspiring action of an activist, or better still, a renewed hope compliant government commission, in Lagos. The said commission, Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC, defying possible blackmail,  in the spirit of no gree for anybody  descended on the Ikeja Electricity Distribution Company, IKEDC, on account of  protracted infractions including deprivation of certain subscribers of services for as long as one year and some months. After serial warnings which IKEDC deliberately ignored, it took a powerful team of FCCPC led by its Surveillance team to seal up the premises of the erring Ikeja zonal office of IKEDC.

IKEDC has the notoriety of being insensitive to customers’ complaints but interestingly has always been stopped by FCCPC whose slogan of Demand and Insist is echoed by “no gree for anybody”. Early this year, yours sincerely had the existing electricity meter for my apartment  within government quarters in Ikeja GRA disconnected by operatives of IKEDC, even when they were not ready to replace immediately.

The simplistic argument from IKEDC operatives was that it was an old meter even as it was also a prepaid meter which FCCPC had argued was upgradeable by merely installing some software on that particular version. The Federal Government’s directive was that if they chose to remove any such meter, they must replace for  subscribers in Band A at no cost. But IKEDC had always stated that free meter would take eternity and therefore advising subscribers to pay for meters so they could have a replacement.

Almost everyone in my vicinity had been successfully cajoled and made to pay for their meters, but heeding the slogan of FCCPC, I demanded for my entitlement and insisted too by notifying FCCPC. Promptly, FCCPC intervened and advised IKEDC to ensure they supply my meter without delay.  FCCPC added further that in the event that it would take a while to get me a meter, they must not slap any outrageous bill on me, insisting specifically, that subsequent bills for me must be relative to my billing history. My meter was installed within one month! Within the said month, my bill was based on the average cost of my consumption over time. Just imagine life without FCCPC.

Today’s Nigeria with prevalent multidimensional reforms, at the centre, clearly inspires citizens’ activist posturing as demonstrated by Dangote, no matter what the trajectory of the “no gree for anybody” campaign is.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is even in the forefront of all these, afterall.  He leaves no one in doubt about his deep conviction for the good governance need for the fiscal autonomy of local governments in line with the verdict of the Supreme Court. The height of it all was his recent public declaration of the likelihood of executing the statutory provision for the executive order to compel compliance for State Governments.  This was actually in addition to repeated calls earlier by the President to citizens to call out the governors and other relevant elected officials to work with the substantially increased revenue.

Follow who know road like Dangote. Demand for your rights and Insist, shikena.

*Professor Akanni, Pioneer Fellow of the Responsible Governance Programme of the Michigan State University and LASU based Development Communications Expert, is currently on sabbatical tenure at the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, FCCPC.

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Like a man ready for war, Dangote provided the names of Ahmed’s children, the school they are attending in Switzerland, and the fees paid on each of them. Not done with just being a whistle-blower, Dangote followed up with a formal petition to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). In the petition, Dangote, through his lawyer, Ogwu Onoja (SAN), called on the anti-corruption agency to arrest, investigate, and prosecute the NMDPRA boss for allegedly living far beyond his legitimate means as a public servant.

Ahmed, while responding to the allegations from the richest man in Africa, said that he has chosen not to engage in public brickbats with Dangote despite being aware of the allegations against him and his family. He expressed satisfaction that the businessman turned whistle-blower took the matter to the ICPC, adding that he would clear his name with the anti-graft agency.

However, the whole sordid drama reached a crescendo when Ahmed was summoned to the Aso Villa for a meeting with President Bola Tinubu but emerged from the meeting looking grim. Bayo Onanuga, media aide to the President, told a shocked nation that Farouk Ahmed had tendered his resignation letter to the President, a replacement appointed, and the name sent to the National Assembly for screening and confirmation.

Gbenga Komolafe, the Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), became another casualty of the petroleum industry war, as he was also sacked by Tinubu, who named Oritsemeyiwa Eyasan, former Executive Vice President, Upstream, of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited as his replacement. Saidu Mohammed was nominated to take over from Ahmed as the CEO of the NMDPRA. Both of them have been confirmed by the Senate.

Farouk and Komolafe were appointed in 2021 by the late President Muhammadu Buhari to lead the twin regulatory agencies established under the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA).

Farouk Ahmed and Dangote have, in recent months, been locked in a public dispute over Nigeria’s downstream petroleum regulation and the future of domestic refining. While Farouk is of the view that Dangote refinery does not have the capacity to meet local demand for petroleum supply and that there would be healthy competition when other marketers are allowed to import fuel into the country, Dangote believes that continued fuel importation should be jettisoned, as his 650,000-capacity refinery could easily meet local demand. He is of the view that those who are importing fuel into the country should pool resources together to establish a refinery so that they can compete favorably with the Dangote refinery on the same template.  Again, he also believes that the federal government can fix the nation’s four local refineries to make fuel available to Nigerians at a more reasonable price.

That Dangote has faced serious challenges since the onboarding of his $20 billion refinery would be an understatement. He has had to fight virtually everybody in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry. He has been quoted as saying that he would never have dabbled into the oil business if he knew that the mafia in the sector was that powerful, with tentacles everywhere. His war started with tanker drivers soon after the completion of the refinery. To ensure that his products get to all nooks and crannies of the country, Dangote had to work with petroleum tanker drivers -a group that has become law unto itself in Nigeria. Fearing that he may not get a favourable deal from them, Dangote decided to invest a tidy sum of N720 billion to acquire 4,000 compressed natural gas (CNG) powered trucks for direct distribution of fuel to retailers. There was immediate backlash from the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers, (NUPENG), which went on strike, arguing that the scheme would displace thousands of its members and make them redundant. When the issue was eventually resolved with Dangote agreeing to employ some of the NUPENG’s members in the scheme, another trouble broke out about whether Dangote refinery would allow its staff to join the oil workers’ unions. NUPENG alleged that the refinery’s management and MRS, a fuel retail outlet owned by Dantata, Dangote’s cousin, had compelled drivers to sign undertakings not to join oil and gas unions.

The situation escalated into a strike on September 8, which effectively shut down depots and filling stations across the country. After government’s intervention, both sides signed an MoU prompting NUPENG to suspend the strike.

It is shameful enough that we have four refineries that could not refine a single drop of petrol in spite of the huge investments on yearly turn-around maintenance.

However, another round of war soon ensued between Dangote and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASAN) when about 800 senior staff of the Dangote refinery showed their willingness to join the union. They were summarily sacked in what Dangote described as a measure to protect the company’s facility and ensure its long-term stability.

Again, the PENGASSAN declared a nationwide strike which grounded operations at key oil and gas regulatory facilities, including the NNPC Limited, the NUPRC, and the NMDPRA. The strike triggered a drop in power generation, while queues returned to petrol stations in the Federal Capital Territory. PENGASSAN accused the refinery’s management of violating Nigerian labour laws and ILO conventions, alleging that dismissed staff were replaced with Indians. The strike was felt much in the homes of most Nigerians, as the price of cooking gas went haywire. The crisis was nipped in the bud after Tinubu directed the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, and the Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS), Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, to intervene.

Dangote’s public spat with NMDPRA is not new, but this time, the industrialist has stepped a notch higher, accusing its chief executive of monumental corruption, which has eventually cost him his job. Dangote appears not only to be fighting the oil mafia; he is up against the President’s family. Wale Tinubu, President Tinubu’s cousin, is one of Nigeria’s major fuel importers. His company, Oando Plc, posted a 44% increase in revenue to N4.1 trillion and N220 billion profit after tax in 2024. Although Oando reported that its refined product volumes had declined by 64% to 599 KMT due to ‘’shifts in Nigeria’s domestic supply framework’’, the company may not be willing to abandon that line of business just yet. Oando is not the only fuel importer. Others are NIPCO, Bovas Oil, Eterna Oil, A.A Rano, NNPC Limited amongst a host of others.

These importers have already received import licenses covering about 7.5 billion litres of petrol for the first quarter of 2026, according to Dangote. The country consumes about 20 billion litres per year. Dangote does not find this funny. To beat the importers, Dangote has slashed his petrol prices to N740 per litre at the pump. This is to undermine marketers who have already placed order for imported fuel far above the price.  In doing so, he is going to lose billions of naira while the marketers are also set to incur debts in the region of N75 billion.

The irony of our moment is noteworthy. For decades, we have been exporting crude oil while incurring substantial costs to import petrol and petrochemicals. This heavy dependence on imports has led to a host of economic and social issues, including the closure of numerous local industries, job losses, and a strain on the national currency and foreign reserves. While Nigeria debates whether to support its own industrial champion, the same America that has spent decades lecturing the developing world about free markets, now openly prioritizes domestic production, imposes tariffs to protect local industries, and makes no apology for these policies.

In Nigeria, we also need to get our priorities right. Do we want to create jobs for our teeming youth population or are we content to remain a consumption economy? Should we protect and nurture local investors or conspire to run them out of business?

Whether Farouk Ahmed jumped or he was pushed is irrelevant. The fact remains that he is now out, but there must still be an investigation to clear the air and restore confidence in our institutions. And I am talking about regulatory oversight and not the charge of scandalous school fees for some privileged children, which anti-corruption agencies can easily handle. This should not be swept under any carpet. However, if there is merit to Dangote’s claims of sabotage, vested interests, or regulatory capture, Nigerians deserve to know, too. The Chinese did not build their industrial might by undermining their own manufacturers. The Americans didn’t become an economic superpower by frustrating domestic production.

Every serious nation makes a choice: build your productive capacity or remain forever dependent. Even if there are differences between Dangote and the petroleum industry regulators, efforts should be made to resolve them. No responsible government should work for the failure of a $20 billion project that adds considerable value to the economy in countless ways. If the fear is that Dangote could become a monopoly in the downstream oil sector, those currently importing fuel should team up and set up another refinery here. This would lead to job creation and also save the nation much needed foreign exchange.

While I am not a fan of Dangote and his business style, no right-thinking government or any of its agencies should do anything that could cripple the project. The downstream sector of the oil industry is so strategic to the country’s growth and development. It should not be toyed with or left in the hands of an individual. Now is the time for the federal government to dismantle the mafia in that sector and allow Nigerians to breath.

It is shameful enough that we have four refineries that could not refine a single drop of petrol in spite of the huge investments on yearly turn-around maintenance. A private refinery has come on stream and everything should be done to protect it in the interest of Nigerians.

See you next week.

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Dangote had written a petition against Ahmed Farouk, former Managing Director of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority, NMDPRA, over alleged corruption.

A source close to the commission, which confirmed this on Sunday in Abuja, stated that  ICPC had set up a panel of crack investigators to handle the probe.

According to the source, the commission’s Chairman, Dr Musa Aliyu (SAN), has also asked the team to focus on Dangote’s petition.

The oil magnate is expected to appear or send his lawyer, Ogwu Onoja (SAN) with his evidence, when ICPC’s investigation of the petition formally commences.

Dangote had accused Farouk of corruption and misappropriation of funds, including spending millions of dollars on his four children’s education in expensive and exclusive schools in Switzerland.

He also alleged that Farouk undermined domestic refining by colluding with international traders and oil importers through the continued issuance of import licences.

The ICPC has asked Dangote to submit his evidence to the anti-graft agency, and the commission is expected to be fair to all parties involved.

Farouk had since resigned his appointment, but the commission said it was going ahead with the investigation, stating that his resignation did not affect the probe.

The petition against Farouk alleges that he spent without evidence of lawful means of income amounting to over seven million dollars for the education of his four children in Switzerland.

Dangote is demanding the arrest, investigation, and prosecution of Farouk for allegedly living above his means as a public servant.

The commission’s spokesperson, John Okor Odey, confirmed that the ICPC received a formal petition on December 16, from Dangote through his lawyer, against the former CEO of the NMDPRA.

Source: NAN

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​The recent turmoil within Nigeria’s energy regulatory space is not merely a clash between Farouk Ahmed and Aliko Dangote. To view it through the lens of a personal feud is to miss the far-reaching implications for the Nigerian state. This is, in reality, a defining moment for the Presidency—a test of whether the “Renewed Hope” agenda prioritizes the whims of power or the permanence of process.

​In the theatre of governance, silence is often read as hesitation, and ambiguity as surrender. As the dust settles on recent resignations and petitions, three vital points emerge that will determine if Nigeria is a serious state or merely a collection of interests.

​1. The Peril of Conditional Institutions

​The primary risk of the current optics is the message sent to the global investment community. If a regulator can be sidelined or pressured without a concluded, evidence-based investigation, it signals that Nigerian institutions are “conditional.” It suggests they are strong only until they encounter an object of greater political or economic mass. For the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) to mean anything, the regulator must be shielded from the “leverage” of innuendo and judged solely on the merits of statutory compliance.

​2. Process as the Sole Source of Legitimacy

​The responsible course for the Presidency is not to mediate a peace treaty between individuals, but to defend the sanctity of the process. This requires:

​The absolute transparency of regulatory benchmarks.

​The public affirmation of the independence of statutory authorities.

​A commitment to allow the ICPC or relevant bodies to conclude their findings without prejudice. Governments that defend the integrity of the process ultimately defend their own legitimacy. To do otherwise is to govern by exception, which is the antithesis of reform.

​3. Precedent Over Power

​Farouk Ahmed’s defense—anchored in statute and documented facts—represented a rare moment where a state actor invited scrutiny rather than shunning it. The allegations against him, while heavy on public sentiment, must be weighed against the cold requirements of the law. If Nigeria is to build a state where rules outlive personalities, this episode must conclude with the institution of the NMDPRA intact.

​The Verdict

​This is not a corruption scandal; it is a governance referendum. We are deciding, in real-time, whether we are building a nation of men or a nation of laws.

​Integrity, once tested and upheld through the fire of controversy, becomes a precedent. In the history of nation-building, precedent is the only foundation that lasts. Power is fleeting, but the rules we defend today will be the only thing standing when the personalities of the day have moved on.

*Ogundipe is former president of Nigeria and Africa Union of Journalists

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