Nigeria is not a lawless space, however noisy or chaotic it may sometimes appear. Beneath the daily hustle of Lagos traffic, the crowded markets of Onitsha, the oil fields of the Niger Delta, and the quiet estates of Abuja, there is a criminal justice system with statutes, sections and punishments. And those punishments are not mild.

Take the gravest of all offences: murder. Under Section 316 of the Criminal Code Act applicable in Southern Nigeria, murder is defined as the unlawful killing of another person with intent. Section 319 of the same Act prescribes the punishment. It is death. Not a fine. Not community service. Death. In Northern Nigeria, the Penal Code contains similar provisions under Sections 220 and 221. The point is clear. When a life is intentionally taken, the state may lawfully take the life of the offender. That is the gravity the law attaches to deliberate killing.

Some will say, “But I did not intend to kill.” That is where manslaughter comes in. Under Section 317 of the Criminal Code, a person who unlawfully kills another in circumstances that do not amount to murder commits manslaughter. The punishment under Section 325 is life imprisonment. Think about that. A single moment of uncontrolled anger in a beer parlour fight. A reckless push during a heated argument. A dangerous act done “just to scare him.” If death results, the law may respond with life behind bars. Life.

Consider armed robbery, an offence that once terrorised our highways and still haunts some communities. The Robbery and Firearms (Special Provisions) Act, particularly Section 1(2), provides that where robbery is committed with firearms or offensive weapons, or where violence is used, the punishment may be death. In other circumstances, life imprisonment is prescribed. That means the quick money that dazzles young minds can end in the dock of a High Court, facing a sentence that extinguishes freedom permanently.

Freedom is precious. Peace of mind is priceless. Before yielding to temptation, before acting in rage, before participating in schemes that promise easy rewards, pause and remember that the state has both the authority and the machinery to sanction wrongdoing.

Stealing, which many dismiss as “ordinary theft,” is not ordinary in law. Under Section 390 of the Criminal Code, stealing attracts imprisonment which may extend to three years, and in aggravated circumstances even more. That petty diversion of office funds. That removal of goods from an employer’s store. That quiet transfer from a company account. The consequences are not a slap on the wrist. A criminal record can follow a person for life.

Sexual offences are treated with increasing seriousness in Nigeria. Under Section 358 of the Criminal Code, rape is punishable with life imprisonment. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act 2015, particularly Section 1, reinforces the gravity of the offence and expands protection for victims. This is not a “family matter.” It is not something to be settled by elders behind closed doors. It is a felony. And the punishment can mean spending the rest of one’s natural life in custody.

Kidnapping, a crime that has caused untold trauma across parts of the country, is severely punished under various state laws and, in some instances, under the Terrorism (Prevention) Act. Several states prescribe life imprisonment, and some even provide for the death penalty in aggravated cases. What may begin as a desperate plan for ransom can end in a courtroom where the only ransom demanded is freedom itself.

Then there is fraud, popularly called “419,” a term derived from Section 419 of the Criminal Code. Obtaining property by false pretence under Section 419 attracts imprisonment of up to three years, while more elaborate frauds prosecuted under the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Establishment) Act 2004, particularly Section 14, may attract up to fourteen years imprisonment without the option of fine. The glamourised lifestyle on social media does not show the prison gates that sometimes close behind those convicted.

Domestic violence, often dismissed in our culture as a “husband and wife matter,” is firmly criminalised under the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act. Section 19 of that Act provides penalties for various forms of domestic abuse, including imprisonment. Assault occasioning harm under Section 355 of the Criminal Code also carries up to three years imprisonment. Beating a spouse is not discipline. It is a crime.

Forgery, which includes falsifying documents, signatures, certificates or financial instruments, is punishable under Sections 467 and 468 of the Criminal Code. Where the forged document is of significant value, the punishment may extend up to fourteen years imprisonment. That fake degree certificate. That altered land document. That forged signature on a contract. The temporary advantage gained may lead to long-term incarceration.

Bigamy is another offence many underestimate. Under Section 370 of the Criminal Code, any person who, having contracted a valid statutory marriage, goes on to marry another person during the lifetime of the first spouse commits a felony and is liable to imprisonment for up to seven years. Love triangles may be common in gossip columns, but in law, a statutory marriage carries legal exclusivity that cannot be ignored.

The pattern is unmistakable. The Nigerian criminal law framework, whether under the Criminal Code, Penal Code or special statutes, is structured to protect life, property, dignity and public order. The punishments are not theoretical. Courts across the federation impose them daily.

The average Nigerian must therefore understand that every action has legal consequences. A moment of greed can translate into years in prison. A burst of anger can lead to a capital charge. A decision taken under peer pressure can produce a lifetime of regret.

Freedom is precious. Peace of mind is priceless. Before yielding to temptation, before acting in rage, before participating in schemes that promise easy rewards, pause and remember that the state has both the authority and the machinery to sanction wrongdoing. The prison yard is filled with people who once believed nothing would happen.

The law may be slow at times, but it is steady. And when it finally speaks, it speaks with authority. Protect your future. Protect your liberty. Some actions are simply not worth the punishment that follows.

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APC: How we can achieve electoral victory in 2027 –Yilwatda

BPP set to hold consultative meetings with contractors, others in Lagos

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Yilwatda made the declaration just as he stated that the future of Nigeria was not something to be awaited but deliberately organised.

The national chairman of the APC, who delivered a stirring and strategic address at the Hope Ambassadors Summit in Abuja on Tuesday, welcome party leaders, governors, and Renewed Hope Ambassadors to the summit.

He described the event as “a moment of strategic destiny,” convened by belief in Nigeria, belief in reform, and belief in the mission of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the APC.

“Good governance without communication is invisible. Communication without structure is noise. And politics without grassroots mobilisation is an organised defeat,” he said.

The APC national chairman stressed that governance and electoral success were inseparable, noting that the summit was designed to strengthen governance communication under the Renewed Hope Agenda while simultaneously laying the structural foundation for a decisive and historic victory in 2027.

According to him, while the opposition hoped that temporary discomfort from reforms will weaken the APC, the party has deliberately chosen courage over convenience.

Under President Tinubu, he noted, the APC had embraced bold economic reforms, restructuring, and long-term solutions rather than cosmetic populism.

“History does not reward hesitation; it rewards conviction. In 2027, Nigerians will not vote for noise; they will vote for results,” he asserted.

Yilwatda reaffirmed that the APC was not a coalition of convenience but a disciplined movement of progress anchored on ideological clarity.

He warned against contradictory narratives, internal sabotage, and uncoordinated messaging, insisting that unity was not optional but a source of strategic power.

He explained that when the president speaks, governors must echo; when governors deliver, ambassadors must amplify; and when the party decides, members must defend.

Such cohesion, he said, was critical to sustaining reforms and winning public trust.

Drawing a sharp contrast, the APC chairman said while the ruling party reformed and built, the opposition complained, speculated, and spread despair without offering credible alternatives.

He framed the 2027 election as a clear choice for Nigerians between noise and nation-building, populism and progress, confusion and Renewed Hope, expressing confidence that Nigerians would choose progress.

Looking ahead, Professor Yilwatda described the 2027 general election as a referendum on reform, courage, and Nigeria’s direction.

He stressed that victory would not be accidental but inevitable if the party communicated effectively, mobilised strategically, and remained united.

He charged progressive governors to lead with performance and communicate with precision; Renewed Hope Ambassadors to take the message to the last mile; party leaders to guard unity jealously; and all APC members to see themselves not just as supporters but as messengers of national transformation.

The Moment Is Now

Concluding, the APC national chairman urged the party to organise success deliberately rather than manage it casually.

He called on members to choose structure over sentiment, clarity over confusion, unity over division, and victory over doubt.

He expressed confidence that when Nigerians returned to the ballot in 2027, they would vote not just for a party but for stability, courage, and Renewed Hope.

The address ended with prayers for the APC, Progressive Governors, and the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as the summit marked the beginning of what he described as a disciplined, data-driven, grassroots-powered movement poised to secure both effective governance and enduring political dominance.

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The post APC: How we can achieve electoral victory in 2027 –Yilwatda appeared first on Frontpageng.

The president urged Dangote to explore potential investment opportunities in the country’s cement and fertilizer sectors, specifically urea and phosphate production.

During the visit, Dangote engaged in discussions with President Nguema and other top government officials.

The talks focused on how Dangote Industries could contribute to Gabon’s economic growth by establishing cement and fertilizer plants, which are vital for the country’s infrastructure development and agricultural productivity.

President Nguema expressed enthusiasm about the potential partnership, highlighting Gabon’s commitment to creating a conducive environment for foreign investments.

He noted that the collaboration with Dangote Industries would bring significant benefits, including job creation, technology transfer, and enhanced industrial capacity.

Dangote, renowned for his successful business ventures across Africa, underscored his company’s dedication to fostering economic development in the continent.

He emphasized that investing in Gabon’s cement and fertilizer sectors aligned with Dangote Industries’ strategic vision of expanding its footprint and supporting sustainable development across Africa.

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“We are excited about the opportunity to invest in Gabon. Our goal is to contribute to the country’s economic diversification and industrialization efforts. By leveraging our expertise in cement and fertilizer production, we aim to support Gabon’s infrastructure and agricultural sectors,” Dangote stated.

The visit marks a significant step towards strengthening economic ties between Nigeria and Gabon.

As Dangote Industries continues to explore and finalize investment opportunities, both nations anticipate mutual benefits that will drive economic progress and regional integration.

The potential investment by Dangote Industries in Gabon is expected to bolster the country’s industrial landscape, ensuring a steady supply of essential materials for construction and agriculture.

This development aligns with President Nguema’s vision of transforming Gabon into a diversified and self-sustaining economy.

In the coming months, further discussions and assessments will be conducted to finalize the investment plans.

The collaboration between Dangote Industries and the Gabonese government holds promise for a robust partnership that will significantly impact Gabon’s economic landscape.

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UN deputy spokesperson, Farhan Haq, disclosed this at a news conference on Tuesday at UN headquarters in New York.

“With nine million dollars from the Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF) and $11 million from the Nigeria Humanitarian Fund, we will support the Government-led response efforts across Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states.

“Assistance includes ready-to-eat food, access to clean water, health care and agriculture support,’’ he said.

According to humanitarian partners, almost 700,000 children under five are likely to suffer from life-threatening severe acute malnutrition this year in this region and more than half a million people may face emergency levels of food insecurity during the lean season from June to August.

Haq said that the emergency funding would help jumpstart the response, but humanitarian partners need more to prevent widespread hunger and malnutrition.

“The $1.3 billion humanitarian response plan for Nigeria is only 26 per cent funded,’’ he said.

Updating journalists on Sudan, the deputy spokesperson said the humanitarian community continued to deliver live saving support to the people.

He said on Tuesday that the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA, had facilitated the movement of at least 388 trucks carrying life-saving assistance to various parts of the country.

Haq, quoting the World Food Programme, WFP, said that the agency had reached more than one million people with emergency food assistance in the six weeks since it resumed operations in Sudan.

“This includes reaching more than 375,000 people in North, South, East and Central Darfur.

“People continue to seek refuge from the fighting in Sudan in neighbouring countries. The UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, says that more than 500,000 people have now fled across Sudan’s borders to escape the violence.

“You may have seen that, yesterday, donors announced more than 1.5 billion dollars in support of the humanitarian response in Sudan in the in the region, during the high-level pledging event co-hosted by the UN, together with the governments of Egypt, Germany, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the African Union and the European Union,’’ he said.

Source: NAN

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In my piece last week, I actually expected Nigerians to give his administration at least a one-month honeymoon grace period before beginning to ask questions about his policies and programmes for the country.

Tinubu, due to no fault of anyone, may not enjoy any honeymoon. On the day he was sworn in, Tinubu, speaking off the cuff, declared, and flippantly too, that the subsidy on petrol is gone.

The world over, when a new government assumes office, there are periods – usually from a month but not more than a year – when the government is expected to settle down and get a grip on administration. Known as the honeymoon period, it is a brief period when a new leader is given greater leeway with respect to changes, he or she wishes to make.

Some US Presidents usually get a lot done at the very beginning of their terms, during the ‘honeymoon period’ with Congress before they start asking the tough questions and ratings start to fall. It is the length of time at the start of something new, particularly a new job, in which mistakes may be overlooked.

In a marriage, we are all familiar with the early part in which the couple is infatuated and most passionate with each other.  Former President Barack Obama was a lucky President who enjoyed a honeymoon period twice, at the onset of his two terms, but former President Donald Trump hardly enjoyed any. He started facing fire right from his first day on the job. Back home, President Ahmed Bola Tinubu (BAT) seems to have taken after Trump.

Tinubu, due to no fault of anyone, may not enjoy any honeymoon. On the day he was sworn in, Tinubu, speaking off the cuff, declared, and flippantly too, that the subsidy on petrol is gone.

Make no mistake about it, the three leading candidates during the 2023 general elections told Nigerians that the subsidy will have to go and that Nigerians should gird their loins for the tough period ahead when they assume power. The trio of BAT, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi said during their campaigns that subsidy on petrol benefitted only a small cabal and that for Nigeria’s survival, the N18.39bn spent on subsidizing petroleum products daily in Nigeria must go. But many Nigerians were not expecting the new President to throw them under the bus right from his inauguration venue.

Many were of the view that since former President Muhammadu Buhari’s regime made provision for subsidy payments in the 2023 budget till the end of June, Tinubu’s government should have used the one-month window it had to dialogue with labour and put in place an effective mechanism that would absolve the shock of the removal of subsidy on fuel.

Tinubu’s pronouncement at Eagles Square on May 29, had immediate repercussions on fuel supply and distribution across the country as major marketers stopped selling the product to motorists. Within the twinkle of an eye, long queues emerged at filling stations that were still selling the product. Many independent marketers immediately adjusted their pump price from N195 per litre to between N400 and N600.

Now, Labour leaders are up in arms against the government even before it settled down for the business of governance. Joe Ajaero, President of the Nigerian Labour Congress, (NLC) described Tinubu’s action as holding a gun to the head of Nigerians and has vowed to resist it, and has directed workers to embark on full-scale industrial action from Wednesday this week unless the Federal Government reverses the price increase.

Since the Nigeria National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited came up with a new price template which fixed fuel price in Lagos at N488, the lowest in Nigeria, and N557 for Maiduguri, the highest in the country for now, the ripple effect of the sudden removal of the subsidy has been mostly felt by the masses many of whom can no longer afford the cost of moving from one point to the other due to the high cost of transportation.

Some Nigerians now trek long distances to their various destinations and have justified the act as a good form of exercise that will benefit their health. In fact, the ‘Trekkers Association of Nigeria’ has been formed on social media. Aside from that, a lawmaker in Adamawa State has also acquired an electric bicycle which he said would be his mode of movement from now on. The queues that suddenly appeared at most filling stations a few hours after Tinubu’s pronouncement have disappeared as filling stations complied with the new price template released by the NNPCL.

Many Nigerians have also abandoned their cars at home and have adjusted their schedules to only leave home when it is absolutely necessary. The streets of Lagos are now devoid of the usual large number of vehicles and the perennial traffic snarl that the city is noted for has disappeared, at least for now.

But this is not good for the economy. Market men and women are complaining about the high cost of moving their goods from one point to another. The volume of trade has also dropped as many can no longer afford the cost of most goods and services. This has the potential of shrinking the informal sector of the economy which accounts for more than 70 per cent of the Nation’s gross domestic product (GDP).

The government is also looking at how to address the issue as the poor masses seem to have been pushed to the wall. Already, Tinubu has promised to review the salaries of workers across the board and has asked labour leaders to use the opportunity offered to ask for a living wage for their members with the understanding that the N30,000 minimum wage presently in operation in the country is no longer sustainable.

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Nigeria ran into trouble with fuel supply and distribution when the nation’s four refineries became comatose and we had to resort to the importation of fuel into the country.  Turnaround maintenance of the refineries became an avenue for those in government to corner huge sums of money to their private pockets without any turning-around in the fortune of the refineries. When the APC government was campaigning for our votes in 2015, it promised to revive the refineries, build new ones and give approval for the establishment of modular refineries across the country by marketers. In actual fact, licensing was issued to 18 companies for the establishment of modular refineries in the country but many of the big players in the downstream sector discovered that it pays to import refined petroleum products into Nigeria than establish a refinery here.

Again, the cabal behind fuel importation won’t easily give up the billions of dollars they are making from government’s inefficiency and did all within their power to frustrate any talk of establishing local refineries in the country. It was not until Aliko Dangote came up with the idea of establishing the biggest refinery in Africa that government officials saw an opportunity to key into his plan and gave the necessary support for the project. The 650,000-capacity crude oil processing plant is expected to start producing refined petroleum products in the next months for both local consumption and export to other African countries. The BUA group is also presently constructing a 200,000-barrel crude oil per day refinery in Akwa Ibom State, which is also expected to come on stream in 2025. Aside from that, two modular refineries are in the works, all geared towards ensuring that Nigeria stops wasting scarce foreign exchange to import refined petrol into the country.

The government has also promised not to be fully involved in the sale of refined petroleum products as the private sector players would now dominate the sector. The removal of subsidy, it is argued, will allow for the private sector to buy crude oil and sell refined fuel at competitive prices which would in the long run, crash the price of fuel at the pumps. Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of the NNPCL, Mele Kyari, had said that NNPCL only has the power to import just 30 per cent of refined fuel into the country so that other key players in the sector can move in to engender competitiveness in the sector.

It is an irony that a crude oil-producing nation is in the lurch and at the mercy of a cabal in the oil industry that could hold the nation to ransom. Labour leaders have consistently called on the government to stop the smuggling of petroleum products to our neighbouring countries all to no avail. We consume an average of 40 million litres of petrol in Nigeria but those at the top will tell you that our local consumption figure is between 60 and 68 million litres of petrol daily and the government must pay subsidy on those humongous figures.

It is an irony that a crude oil-producing nation is in the lurch and at the mercy of a cabal in the oil industry that could hold the nation to ransom.

The Tinubu administration has the onerous task of finding a permanent solution to the crisis in the oil sector. While many Nigerians are gradually accepting the reality that fuel subsidy is no longer sustainable, the manner Tinubu went about it without first putting palliative in place to cushion the effects on the masses or consulting with necessary stakeholders leaves much to be desired. Though he has said that he campaigned for the tough job and that he is aware of the tasks ahead, he has equally said that Nigerians should not pity him as he is up to those tasks. So, he should carry his can while we sit back and watch how he will wriggle out of his own self-imposed foible.

Like one of the titles of James Hadley Chase’s novel, ‘No Orchids for Miss Blandish’, in essence, there won’t be any honeymoon for President BAT.

See you next week.

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Real losers of 2023 Nigerian general elections are not the electorate who were deprived of their rights to freely choose candidates of their choice nor the first-timer youth who were disappointed by the Nigerian state nor the candidates who lost or won as declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The biggest losers are President Muhammadu Buhari, INEC Chairman, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, President-elect, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Nigeria as a political entity.  Except for Bola Tinubu who carries the burden of legitimacy arising from flawed process and total miniature votes garnered, the others will live with scar and collective guilt slammed on the country by ethical deficit in delivery process of the elections.

With general disenchantment over the conduct of the 2023 Nigerian general elections by over 145,000 national and foreign observers deployed across the country, INEC failed to leave a split opinion on its capacity to conduct a free, fair and credible elections, a development that will hunt Mahmood Yakubu, Mohammed Buhari and Nigeria for a long time to come.  The exercise was not only a horrendous phenomenon on the psyche of Nigerians but a fleeting nightmare.

A consensus negative opinion on the flawed elections by European Union, African Union, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Commonwealth, The International Republican Institute (IRI), National Democratic Institute (NDI), Joint Election Observation Mission (IEOM), four former African presidents, and Transition Monitoring Group (TMG), is an affirmation of global skepticism about Nigeria’s reputation.  They all concluded that the electoral process lacked transparency, which encouraged manipulations and undermined voters’ confidence.

This trust deficit was also highlighted by Chatham House when it declared that INEC had learnt nothing from its past failures.  Specifically, it said, “The INEC’s performance and controversies over these results mean that the electoral reforms and lessons declared to have been learned were not fully applied and, as an electoral body, it was significantly less prepared than it claimed.”

As a consequence of these opinions, President Buhari might have missed the opportunity to etch his name in gold over his failure to provide a secured and enabling environment for free, fair and credible elections.  As Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, he failed to optimally use his offices, including effective deployment of the police, army, DSS, and other security agencies to protect voters during the elections.

Nigerians were mortified by horrendous images of election violations, and no rationalization could justify such criminal acts.  An election where about 27 persons were killed nationwide over violence, ballot snatching, thuggery, voters’ suppression, ethnic bigotry, use of tribal gods and deities, even in the presence of security operatives in some instances, can only be a national shame.

Besides, whatever is left of Buhari’s legacy might have been further weakened by the naira redesign and currency swap policy which brought untold hardship to citizens during period of the elections.  Perhaps, the intention of the policy was to eliminate monetary inducement and vote buying, unfortunately, Buhari and the Central Bank Governor, Godwin Emefiele, were outwitted by politicians through use of extra-constitutional and procedural means to contrive and achieve sinister objectives.

For the INEC Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, there might be no second opportunity to redeem his character.  With a budget of over N305 billion and other sundry support, he had no reasons to have failed.  Yakubu gave assurances in both local and international events, including Chatham House, of his Commission’s preparedness, pledging that with use of technology, including Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS), results would be transmitted in real-time to INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV).

These assertions receded into irrelevance when INEC failed to comply with the Electoral Act and its own guidelines.  The Electoral Act, 2022, requires INEC to upload the elections of polling units in its portal as stipulated in Section 60 (5) and Clause 38 of the INEC Regulations and Guidelines.

Specifically, Clause 38 of the INEC Regulations and Guidelines for the Conduct of Elections, 2022 states: “Upon completion of all the Polling Unit voting and results, procedures, the Presiding Officer shall:-(i) Electronically transmit or transfer the result of the Polling Unit direct to the collation system as prescribed by the commission. (ii) Use BVAS to upload a scan of ES8A to INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV), as prescribed by the commission. (iii) Take the BVAS and the original copy of each of the forms in tamper-evident envelope to the Registration Area/Ward Collation Officer, in the company of security agents. The polling agents may accompany the Presiding Officer to the RA/Ward Collation Centre.”

It is hoped that Nigeria will not allow a repeat of this ugly experience.  It is time to make political offices unattractive to discourage desperation which is the underpinning motive for all these electoral atrocities.

With non-compliance and deviation from these regulatory provisions, INEC opened the electoral process to manipulations, resulting in lack of justice and fulfilment for voters.

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These violations have exposed existential gaps in the capacity of Mahmood Yakubu to deliver on a significant national assignment.  This might cast aspersion on his reputation and capabilities.  Indeed, this election is a minus for his profile, as no government or any serious organisation may want to bequeath him with such responsibilities in future.

Unfortunately, the President-elect, Bola Tinubu, is a product of INEC’s flawed process, and this has triggered legitimacy challenge that is further fueled by lean number of votes secured at the election relative to total votes cast.  Tinubu polled 8.87 million (the least by any presidential candidate since 1999), representing 36.61 per cent of total votes, and 10.08 per cent of all eligible voters.  Out of approximately 93 million registered voters, only about 25 million, representing 28.63 percent, actually turned out to vote.

Implicitly, Bola Tinubu was not only elected by minority voters when viewed against 25 million persons that voted, and in a country of over 200 million people, skepticism resulting from INEC’s multiple irregularities are unhelpful to his presidency.  Perhaps, this accounts for the absence of national pomp and celebration that would have heralded his victory.

Without prejudice to outcome of current litigation, going forward, Bola Tinubu should activate his social capital to open up channels across to influential groups and personalities in the country, including his political rivals aimed at legitimizing his presidency, and achieving unity through formation of all-inclusive government.

INEC’s performance has also rubbed off on Nigeria’s image as a corrupt country.  Through the foreign observers, perception of the international community about Nigeria as a corrupt country might have worsen on account of their opinions over lack of transparency and operational failures that characterized INEC’s performance.

In the 2022 Transparency International (TI) Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Nigeria was ranked 150 out of 180 countries, and also placed as second most corrupt country in West Africa.  By INEC’s standard and performance, it has unwittingly further confirmed Nigeria as a corrupt country, and deepened global negative impressions.

Nigeria lost the opportunity to demonstrate before the world of its preparedness to be a leading light in Africa and world affairs, using the elections as spring board to exhibit its leadership potentials and capacity.  Hopes for these attainments have, however, been frustrated and shattered by INEC.

Besides, with world’s attention on Nigeria as connoted by presence of foreign observers, Nigeria should have used the elections as public relations tool to strengthen the country’s image through conduct of free, fair and credible election under a transparent atmosphere. This would have left foreign observers rattled as to Nigeria’s new values and ethical orientation.

It was an event Nigeria should have used to shore-up its dwindling reputation.  It is more effective than image-laundering programme where huge amount of money in foreign currencies is budgeted for public relations and reputation management.  With good image, Nigerians’ dignity and respect would be restored, and largely put an end to discrimination at border posts in foreign countries.

This experience should serve as a lesson on the need to be transparent in conduct of future elections.  Former American President, Jimmy Carter, who was in Nigeria in the past to observe elections vowed never to observe elections in Nigeria again after his ugly experience of brazen violation of electoral process. He was upset with the impunity with which politicians used thuggery to deprive electorate from freely voting for candidates of their choice.

It is hoped that Nigeria will not allow a repeat of this ugly experience.  It is time to make political offices unattractive to discourage desperation which is the underpinning motive for all these electoral atrocities.    The electoral body should be reformed and repositioned with people of integrity as drivers aimed at restoring electoral integrity.

Dr. Owhoko, Lagos-based journalist and author, can be reached at www.mikeowhoko.com.

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The order is contained in a letter signed by the Director, Finance and Accounts of National Universities Commission, NUC, Mr Sam Onazi, on behalf of the Executive Secretary of the commission, Prof. Abubakar Rasheed, in Abuja on Monday.

The letter which was addressed to all vice-chancellors; pro-chancellors and chairmen of governing councils of federal universities, called on them to re-open the universities.

“Ensure that ASUU members immediately resume/commence lectures; restore the daily activities and routines of the various University campuses,” the letter reads in part.

Recall that ASUU had embarked on strike since February 14 to press home the demand for improved funding for universities, a review of salaries for lecturers, among other issues.

Several meetings between ASUU and the federal government have ended in deadlock due to non- agreement on the demands.

READ ALSO: ASUU strike: Ngige, other top govt officials to appear before Reps

The federal government went to court to challenge the strike but the union insisted it would not resume as it has appealed the court’s ruling.

On September 21, the National Industrial Court of Nigeria, NICN, in Abuja ordered ASUU to suspend its seven-month-old strike.

The judge, Polycarp Hamman, gave the order  in a ruling on the federal government’s application for an interlocutory injunction against the ongoing ASUU strike.

The federal government’s counsel, James Igwe, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), had filed the application seeking the court’s order restraining ASUU from continuing with the strike pending the determination of the suit initiated through a referral by the Minister of Labour and Employment, Chris Ngige.

Hamman, in granting the order on Wednesday, dismissed ASUU’s objection to the application.

The union’s lawyer, Femi Falana, SAN, had urged the court to dismiss the federal government’s application, and instead, grant an accelerated hearing of the main suit.

Hamman agreed with the government that irreparable damage was being done to the lives of students rendered idle by the ongoing strike.

He said not granting the injunction would only cause additional damage to the ambitions of young Nigerians.

He cited examples of the National Youth Service Corps and employment in Nigeria’s armed forces where age is a requirement for participation and employment.

He also said the Trade Dispute Act prohibits parties from engaging in an industrial action when disputes had been referred to the industrial court, the Industrial Arbitration Panel (IAP) or when a conciliator had been appointed.

Falana, ASUU’s lawyer, had argued that the affidavit filed by Ikechukwu Wamba, a legal officer at the Ministry of Labour and Employment in support of the application should not be admitted as the deponent was neither a member of the university community nor part of any meetings held with the union.

But the judge Hamman disagreed, saying Wamba as a legal officer and a member of management at the labour ministry had access to the official documents of the negotiations as well as offering legal advice to the minister.

The judge also disagreed with Falana’s submission that the government had not made necessary moves to curtail the strike since it commenced in February.

He said pieces of evidence from meetings with the government which began days after the strike until 1 September proved negotiations had been ongoing.

However, addressing reporters after proceedings, ASUU’s counsel, Edorjeh Edo, said the union had options and would study them for further actions.

“There are quite a number of actions open to the union. We will study with the legal team and then we will adopt the most appropriate action,” he said.

ASUU accused the federal government of reneging on a 2009 agreement on matters such as increased funding of universities and increasing lecturers’ salaries.

Source: NAN

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