The Super Eagles drew the first blood as FC Porto striker, Terem Mofi, finished off a brilliant pass from Moses Simon in the 23rd minute of the game.

Nigeria dominated but failed to defend a corner kick,  allowing Nicola Zalewski’s strike past goalkeeper Maduka Okoye to restore parity just before halftime.

Coach Eric Chelle made seven changes in the second half, introducing Calvin Bassey, Zaidu Sanusi, Semi Ajayi, Rafiu Durosinmi, Raphael Onyedika, Paul Onuachu and Philip Otele in the 46th minute.

The changes didn’t do much in terms of ball possession, but the Eagles took the lead again in the 77th minute.

Paul Onaucho made no mistake in converting a penalty after a polish player handled the ball in the box to make two.

The Eagles thought they had secured the win, but Przemyslaw Wisniewski scored the equalizer for the host with a 25 yards strike deep into stoppage time.

The game played inside the 58,000-capacity Stadion PGE Narodowy cauldron saw 54,000 spectators in attendance.

The Super Eagles will now focus on their next friendly match against a tougher opponents, Portugal.

The game will be played in Leiria, Portugal, on Wednesday June 10.

Source: NAN

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The post Poland holds Nigeria to 2-2 draw in Warsaw appeared first on Frontpageng.

Speaking during the midweek Manna Water Service on June 3, Olukoya expressed concern over the plight of citizens affected by insecurity and called on believers to seek divine intervention for the nation.

He cited 2 Chronicles 7:14, emphasizing the importance of prayer, repentance, and dependence on God for national healing.

Addressing the congregation, he noted that prayer remained a powerful tool for confronting difficult situations and encouraged worshippers to pray earnestly for peace, justice, and the safety of all Nigerians.

During the prayer session, members offered various prayer points, including requests for God’s protection over citizens, the release of those held captive, the exposure of criminal activities, and the restoration of peace across the country.

Special prayers were also offered for the rescue of abducted persons and for divine wisdom and strength for those working to address the nation’s security challenges.

The congregation responded to the prayer points with enthusiasm and faith, joining together in intercession for the country.

Following the prayer session, Dr. Olukoya continued with his sermon titled, “Violent Spiritual Practices to Defeat Violent Problems,” the third message in the ongoing teaching series.

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The post Olukoya, MFM members offer prayers against banditry, kidnapping appeared first on Frontpageng.

“The rain had just stopped when two  friends, Tunde and Bola, settled into their usual corner at Mama Sade’s makeshift canteen. The television hanging above the drinks’ refrigerator was loud enough to compete with the noisy generators outside. Every station carried the same breaking news: The APC party primary election had produced unexpected winners across the country.

Unexpected because, according to nearly everyone who (had) followed the process, the announced winners appeared to have lost magnificently. Imagine someone who scored 10,000 votes losing to another with 1000 votes!

Tunde stared at the screen with the confusion of a man trying to solve advanced calculus without numbers. “My brother, how can someone understand what happened? Yesterday at the collation venue, a candidate was leading with enough votes that stood him out as the winner. This morning the candidate trailing him has become the flag bearer of the party.  Were there other votes from elsewhere that were added after we slept?”

Bola nearly spilled his beer laughing. “You still believe elections end when votes are counted? You are naive.”

“But they showed the delegates queuing  behind their candidates on television!”

“Yes.”

“They announced the figures!”

“Yes.”

“They even interviewed the candidate that had the highest number of votes as the winner!”

“Yes.”

Tunde spread his hands dramatically. “Then, how did the candidate trailing become the chosen?”

Bola leaned forward like a lecturer about to explain a complicated theory in political science.

“You are looking at politics with ordinary eyes. What happened is what experts now call APC Political Yoyo.”

“Political what?”

“Yoyo.  It is like playing with a toy that has no capacity to determine its stability in the sky.  It goes up, it comes down, then, suddenly, it flies sideways and hits somebody that was not involved.”

Tunde burst into laughter!

“No, seriously,” Bola continued. “In normal democracy, whoever gets the highest votes wins. But in our own advanced political technology, winning is only the first stage. After that comes consultation, reconciliation, alignment, realignment, strategic harmonization, and, finally, supernatural arithmetic.”

Tunde nodded slowly. “Ah! So votes are just opening ceremonies.”

“Exactly.”

The television presenter interrupted with a dramatic tone. ‘Party stakeholders have reaffirmed their commitment to transparency and internal democracy…’

Both men laughed so hard that nearby customers turned to look at them!

“Transparency?” Tunde said between laughs. “This transparency is powerful. The real winner became invisible immediately.”

“My friend,” Bola replied, “it is the kind of transparency where everybody sees what happened but nobody is allowed to say it.”

Tunde lowered his voice. “What pains me most is that the winning candidate (has) already celebrated. I saw supporters dancing. They even printed congratulatory posters overnight.”

“Very dangerous mistake,” Bola said solemnly. “In Nigerian politics, never celebrate too early. Before morning, your victory can develop technical issues.”

“Technical issues?”

“Yes. Missing documents. Signature mismatch. Party supremacy. Consensus agreement. Invisible committee recommendations, inconclusive (election). There are many diseases that attack victory in this country.”

Tunde laughed again.

“And look at the delegates,” he added. “Yesterday they were singing one man’s praises. Today they are carrying another man on their shoulders.”

Bola shrugged. “Delegates are loyal professionals. Their loyalty follows the direction of survival.”

The canteen owner increased the television volume as another analyst appeared on screen: ‘The outcome reflects the maturity of the party’s democratic institutions,’ the analyst declared confidently.

Tunde almost choked on his drink.

“Maturity? If this democracy matures any further, it may retire completely!”

Bola smiled. “You must admire the creativity, though. In other countries, politicians rig quietly. In Nigeria, they rig with motivational speeches.”

For a moment the two men watched silently as clips from the primary election (were) played on screen: Delegates cheering, party officials waving documents, security officers pushing crowds aside.

Then Tunde sighed!

“You know what amazes me? Ordinary Nigerians still queue under the sun believing votes matter!”

“My friend,” Bola replied, “votes matter very much. They matter especially during press conferences.”

“So what really determines the winner?”

Bola counted on his fingers.

“Powerful godfathers. Close-door meetings. Emergency consultations. Last-minute alliances. Political debts. Fear. Ambition. Deep pockets. And, occasionally, if there is enough time left, votes.”

A nearby customer burst into laughter after overhearing the conversation.

Tunde shook his head again.

“At this point,” he said, “politics in this country is like football where the referee announces the final score two days later from his living room!”

“Wrong,” Bola corrected him. “Football is more organized. At least players know when the match has ended.”

The television now showed the victorious candidate addressing supporters: ‘This victory belongs to all party members,’ the politician declared.

“Yes,” Bola muttered sarcastically. “Especially the members who voted against him!”

The canteen erupted in scattered laughter.

Tunde looked thoughtful for a moment.

“Do you realize,” he said slowly, “that (during) every election season, we hear the same grammar? Internal democracy. Level playing field. Unity. Due process.”

“Those are ceremonial words,” Bola replied. “Like decoration on a wedding cake. Beautiful to look at, but not the actual food.”

Another news alert flashed across the screen: ‘Party leadership urges aggrieved aspirants to accept the outcome in the interest of peace.’

“There!” Bola exclaimed, pointing at the television. “That sentence always comes after somebody has been politically kidnapped.”

Tunde nodded knowingly.

“And the funniest part is that, tomorrow, everybody will gather again, smiling for photographs.”

“Of course,” Bola said. “Politics has no permanent enemies, only temporary microphones.”

Evening traffic thickened outside. Horns blared endlessly while the generator coughed like an old smoker.

Tunde finished the last of his drinks and leaned back.

“So tell me honestly,” he asked quietly. “Who actually won this primary?”

Bola smiled with the calm wisdom of a man who had watched too many election cycles.

“The usual winners.”

“The politicians?”

“No,” Bola replied. “The people who never appeared on the ballot, who never campaigned, and who never stood under the sun asking for votes.”

Tunde frowned. “Then what was the point of the primary election?”

Bola stood up, dropped money on the table and adjusted his shirt.

“My friend,” he said with a grin, “in this country, elections are sometimes like cinema trailers. The real movie happens behind closed doors.”

As both men walked away from the canteen, the television continued celebrating the triumph of democracy – in the  Nigerian style…

Bola shook his head “I hope the APC is not demonstrating the symptoms of Egbekegbe in the words of Fela Anikulapo!”.

And the two friends disappeared into the dark night!”

Welcome back! What the writer is saying is that there is no internal democracy in the political parties. Although he zeroed-in on APC, the same malaise plagues the other political parties. Like we have said over and over again, the political parties are the different fingers of the same leprous hand and birds of a feather. The difference between them is like that between six and half-a-dozen; between half-full and half-empty.

The inference from this is that political parties that do not allow free and fair elections within their own political parties cannot be expected to subscribe to credible elections between political parties. So, elections will always be rigged because politicians that rig elections within their own parties will also rig elections against political party opponents. Therefore, there is nothing INEC can do to stop election rigging by rogue politicians. All INEC efforts – BIVAS, BIMODAL, ELECTRONIC OR WHAT-HAVE-YOU – will always amount to nothing and all the resources committed to the conduct of elections will end up a waste.

Again, party members that do not see anything wrong in the subversion of internal democracy within their own parties; who cannot stand for, and defend credible elections within their own parties cannot be expected to do so in national elections. The credibility of elections is compromised right from the moment internal democracy is compromised within the political parties. And this cuts across the board. Pray, are there any party primaries that have not been dogged by allegations of imposition and rigging?

Both the leadership and followership of the political parties are ideologically barren, morally decadent, and intellectually deficient and obtuse – a malaise much of the entire populace has been infected with willy-nilly.

For, as Marx and Engel posit, “The ideas of the ruling class are, in every epoch, the ruling ideas; meaning that the class which is the ruling material force of society is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.” (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in “The German Ideology”, 1845).

Contrary to arguments or expectations about who is president and who is not, the rot is systemic. Every corrupt, inept, decadent, compromised, and morally depraved ruling class must be done away with before the society as a whole can heave a sigh of relief and the people begin to enjoy the dividends of democracy.

*Bolawole (turnpot@gmail.com 0807 552 5533), former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of the Westerner newsmagazine. He writes the “ON THE LORD’S DAY” column in the Sunday Tribune and “TREASURES” column in the New Telegraph newspapers. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

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The post A laughing stock called party primaries…, By Bola Bolawole appeared first on Frontpageng.

Isn’t it high time Nigeria dropped all other projects and face total economic empowerment and reorientation of the North? Yes, North, because this horrid terror monster was birthed there. And yes, because our six-lane concrete roads can’t be used or enjoyed if bandits are waiting there to kidnap us. No, we will not use the trains if it means buying tickets with our money to go and get abducted.

Can we just deploy more money, real funds and national time and force to take children off the streets of the North already? It definitely can’t be too much work to provide security operatives with ‘ NAFDAC Numbers’,  not those ones who flee just before bandits arrive, to keep our schools actually safe?

If Christians are cancelling church vigils, aren’t many parents in the north pulling out their children from schools? If na you nko?

If these butchers of men are already in Oyo State, when won’t we close churches and terminate school terms?

Can we sit our Northern Leaders and Elders down and tell them what their future really looks like if they continue with the child marriage and almajiri system? These are desperate times and it does not look like our decade-old strategy has worked or is working. We need to start doing desperate and new things. Buying bullets and increasing defence budgets have not worked. We must return to the drawing table or be ready to perish. I’m just not feeling optimistic today and I’m not offering any apologies for feeling my feelings.

A few days ago, I found myself asking a question that has become increasingly important as Nigeria continues to bleed from the wounds of terrorism, banditry and kidnapping. Can a nation shoot its way out of insecurity? Or, put differently, can Nigeria finally defeat terrorism by going beyond bullets and addressing the deeper problems of poverty, ignorance, hopelessness and social decay?

Of course, the question is not as simple as it sounds. Every time terrorists attack a village, every time bandits kidnap schoolchildren, every time farmers abandon their land because of fear, the immediate reaction is always the same: send more soldiers, deploy more policemen, buy more weapons. Let us have more airstrikes.

Nobody can fault that reaction. Government has a sacred duty to protect lives and property. Citizens deserve to sleep with both eyes closed. Criminals deserve no sympathy, no mercy.

But after more than a decade of battling insurgency, banditry and kidnapping, perhaps it is time to ask whether Nigeria is treating only the symptoms while leaving the disease untouched. We have shot everything at this monster, but it looks like every bullet has only toughened him. Every bomb has made him angrier. Now it is tall, black and menacing. And advancing towards Lagos. Oh no, you don’t have to believe me.

For too long, we have treated education as merely a means of passing examinations. Real education should teach citizenship, responsibility, tolerance and critical thinking.

Let us just focus on the uncomfortable truth. Poverty is not the same thing as terrorism. There are millions of poor Nigerians who are honest, hardworking and law-abiding. Every morning, they wake up, struggle through impossible circumstances and still choose decency over crime.

So poverty alone does not create terrorists. Yet poverty can create fertile ground for recruitment.

A hungry young man with no education, no employable skill and no hope for the future is easier to manipulate than one who has opportunities. A boy who sees no future may be tempted by anybody offering money, food, status or a sense of belonging. That is why economic empowerment must be part of the conversation.

Northern Nigeria is blessed with vast agricultural land, energetic youth and enormous human potential. Imagine what would happen if millions of young people were productively engaged in farming, agro-processing, manufacturing, technology and entrepreneurship.

A young man earning an honest living is less likely to answer the call of a bandit leader.

An idle young man is a different matter altogether.

However, let us not deceive ourselves.

If poverty alone caused terrorism, then every poor community in Africa would be a terrorist enclave. The reality is more complicated.

Groups such as Boko Haram were not built merely on economic frustration. They were built on ideas—dangerous ideas. They preached hatred. They preached violence. They preached rejection of modern education and the Nigerian state.

You cannot defeat such ideas with bags of rice and empowerment grants alone.

You fight bad ideas with better ideas.

That is where reorientation comes in.

For too long, we have treated education as merely a means of passing examinations. Real education should teach citizenship, responsibility, tolerance and critical thinking.

The fight against terrorism must therefore involve teachers, parents, religious leaders, traditional rulers and community influencers. The battle is not only for territory.

It is also for minds.

And then comes the issue of cultural renewal.

Before anybody sharpens their knives, let me explain.

Cultural renewal does not mean abandoning tradition. It does not mean discarding faith.

It does not mean becoming less northern, less southern, less Muslim or less Christian.

It means rediscovering the values that once held communities together.

Values such as respect for life, respect for learning, respect for honest labour and respect for communal responsibility.

Many years ago, entire villages helped raise children. Elders corrected young people. Communities celebrated hard work and frowned at criminality.

Today, too many communities are overwhelmed by unemployment, drug abuse, illiteracy and the erosion of social values.

A society that produces millions of disconnected and frustrated young people is unknowingly manufacturing tomorrow’s security challenges.

Yet there is another truth we must not ignore. Economic empowerment, reorientation and cultural renewal are not substitutes for security.

No nation negotiates its existence with terrorists.

No government can fold its arms while armed criminals slaughter citizens.

Bandits who murder farmers, abduct children and terrorise communities must be confronted decisively.

Terrorists who wage war against the state must face the full force of the law.

Development is necessary.

Security is non-negotiable.

The two must work together.

Then, there is the matter of governance.

Many communities affected by banditry complain that government appears only during elections.

Roads are bad.

Schools are inadequate.

Healthcare facilities are scarce.

Opportunities are limited.

When government becomes distant, criminal groups often move in to fill the vacuum.

A man who visits his wife once in a while must not delude himself into thinking someone else cannot fill the vacuum. Bad governance is a husband who visits his wife once in four years with plenty of gifts, sleeps with her every day for one month or two and then disappears for another four years. The gifts will be appreciated.  The woman may even flaunt it. But there are no guarantees that the woman will happily wait for him, untouched, for another four years. Any number of bad things can happen when you leave your goat to wander. She may be injured, stolen, killed, or even impregnated.

A citizen who feels abandoned is easier for extremists to manipulate.

A citizen who believes government cares is more likely to cooperate with law enforcement. This is why governance itself is a security strategy.

In the end, Nigeria’s challenge is not merely military.

It is economic.

It is educational.

It is cultural.

It is political.

It is moral.

The temptation is always to search for a single magic solution. Nigerians love silver bullets. We want one policy, one speech, one operation, one miracle.

Unfortunately, terrorism does not work that way.

Even if United States of America with its troops swoop in guns ablazing, will they stay here forever? Will we still be a sovereign nation if America remains here permanently?

A nation defeats terrorism when it secures its borders, protects its citizens, educates its children, creates opportunities for its youth and builds institutions people can trust. Bullets can eliminate terrorists.

But only a just, functional and hopeful society can stop new terrorists from emerging.

That is the real battle before Nigeria.

And until we fight it on all fronts, we may continue cutting off the branches while leaving the roots firmly planted in the soil.

*Egbemode (egbemode3@gmail.com)

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The post Can Nigeria shoot its way out of terrorism? appeared first on Frontpageng.

​The apex Christian body also designated June 14 as “Black Sunday” across all churches as a mark of solidarity with families affected by the lingering security crisis.

​The president of CAN, Archbishop Daniel Okoh, made the announcement on Tuesday in Abuja while reading a communiqué issued at the end of the National Church Denominational Leaders Summit.

​The summit, held at the National Christian Centre and themed “The State of the Nation and the Way Forward,” brought together top church leaders, block leaders, and delegates to prayerfully review the country’s challenges.

​Okoh expressed deep concern over the escalating wave of violence, citing recent incidents of killings, kidnappings, and destruction of communities in states such as Oyo, Ogun, Borno, Kwara, and Kogi.

​He urged the federal government to immediately declare a state of emergency on national security to halt the ongoing bloodshed.

​”Communities are under attack; citizens are kidnapped from their homes and places of work, travellers are abducted on highways, and farmers are driven from their lands.

​”Innocent men, women, and children are killed, maimed, displaced, and, in some cases, brutally beheaded by criminal and terrorist elements,” Okoh said.

​The CAN president criticised the “recurring resort to conciliatory and pacifist rhetoric by senior government officials” in response to grave security threats, calling instead, for a proactive, result-oriented approach.

​He reminded the government that the primary responsibility of any administration remained the protection of lives and property.

​Consequently, the Cleric demanded a comprehensive review of the nation’s security architecture, improved intelligence gathering, stronger inter-agency cooperation, and greater operational accountability.

He also threw his weight behind decentralising security operations, calling for the immediate acceleration of constitutional and legislative processes for the establishment of state police.

​The CAN president further demanded the immediate and unconditional release of all abducted school children, teachers, and other citizens currently held captive by criminal elements.

​On the humanitarian front, Okoh called for the establishment of a comprehensive compensation, rehabilitation, and resettlement programme for victims of terrorism and families who have lost livelihoods or loved ones.

He also tasked individual churches across the federation to strengthen internal support systems by providing humanitarian assistance, trauma care, and peace-building initiatives for displaced persons within their localities.

​Okoh lamented that premature electioneering, political calculations, and party defections were taking center stage among the political class while many communities remained under siege.

​He advised political leaders and parties to shun divisive distractions and prioritise national security.

​The cleric called on organised labour groups, civil society organisations and traditional institutions to collaborate in holding the government accountable.

​Okoh reaffirmed the commitment of the Church to national unity, peace, and justice.

He stressed that while prayers would be intensified, they must be matched with sustained civic engagement and advocacy.

Source: NAN

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The event is scheduled for the V.I.P. Lounge, Moshood Abiola National Stadium, Abuja.

The event is being hosted by the Office of the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Grassroots Sports Development, Adeyinka Anthony Adeboye, in collaboration with the Polish Embassy in Abuja, as part of broader efforts to strengthen sports diplomacy, youth engagement, and bilateral cooperation between Nigeria and Poland.

Speaking ahead of the event, Adeboye described the confirmation of both top government officials as a strong reflection of the importance President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration places on sports, youth development, national unity, and international partnerships under the Renewed Hope Agenda.

“The confirmation of the Vice President and the SGF clearly shows how this administration sees sports—not just as entertainment, but as a major platform for youth empowerment, diplomacy, peace, economic opportunities, and national development in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda of Mr. President.”

Adeboye noted that President Tinubu’s vision continued to prioritize young people through policies and initiatives capable of creating opportunities, promoting inclusion, and strengthening grassroots engagement across the country.

“Mr. President believes strongly in the power of Nigerian youths and understands the role sports can play in transforming lives, creating jobs, promoting unity, and projecting Nigeria positively to the world.”

The SSA further stated that the presence of Vice President Kashim Shettima, known for his commitment to youth inclusion and national cohesion, would further inspire young Nigerians and stakeholders within the sports ecosystem.

“The Vice President has consistently shown passion for initiatives that unite Nigerians and empower young people. His presence sends a very strong message about the future of sports development in Nigeria.”

Adeboye also praised SGF Senator George Akume for his support for developmental programmes that positively impact Nigerian youths and strengthen national integration.

“The SGF’s attendance also demonstrates the Federal Government’s collective commitment to supporting initiatives that connect people through sports, diplomacy, and positive engagement.”

According to the SSA, the watch party represents more than a football gathering, describing it as a strategic platform designed to promote friendship, cultural exchange, international cooperation, and youth-focused engagement.

“Football remains a universal language capable of bringing people together beyond borders, religion, or ethnicity. Through this event, we are building stronger relationships and creating a platform for unity and friendship.”

The high-profile gathering is expected to attract top government officials, diplomats, sports administrators, football stakeholders, youth leaders, captains of industry, and members of the international community.

The initiative also follows recent engagements between the SSA’s office and the Polish Embassy focused on grassroots sports development, sports exchange programmes, youth empowerment, and bilateral partnerships between both countries.

Ahead of the event, the Polish Ambassador to Nigeria, Michal Cygan, paid an inspection visit to the venue where he commended the level of preparation and described the initiative as an important platform for strengthening friendship and cooperation between Nigeria and Poland.

The event will officially commence with guest arrivals at 6:45 pm, while kickoff for the Nigeria vs Poland international friendly match is scheduled for 7:45 PM.

With Vice President Shettima and SGF Akume now confirmed for the occasion, expectations continue to rise for what many observers are already calling one of the biggest sports diplomacy gatherings in Abuja this year.

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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu promised reform at the start of his administration. Those reforms were necessary, but they have placed real pressure on many Nigerians. Families have had to make harder choices around food, transport, rent, school fees and energy costs, while traders and small businesses have had to rework their margins under the combined pressure of exchange-rate changes, credit costs and rising inputs. Any account of the administration’s early returns must begin with that reality, because reform loses public trust when government speaks above the experience of the people it serves.

The fair question is whether the difficult decisions taken since May 2023 have begun to correct the distortions that weakened Nigeria’s economy, and whether those corrections are now strong enough to reach citizens more directly. On that question, the evidence points to an important but unfinished story.

The Tinubu administration has not solved every problem in three years, but measurable early returns have begun to show across various national facets including reserves, revenue, oil production, capital inflows, growth, education financing and Nigeria’s standing before investors and development partners.

President Tinubu came into office at a time when Nigeria’s public finances were under severe strain. Fuel subsidy was draining public money that could have funded basic services, the Central Bank had large foreign exchange backlogs, multiple exchange rates created room for arbitrage, oil production was below national needs, and public revenue was too low for the scale of Nigeria’s development demands. These were deep structural constraints that limited the ability of government to fund services, protect the currency, and support businesses and households. Avoiding them would have bought short-term comfort at the cost of deeper national damage.

One early return is already clear in Nigeria’s external position. The Central Bank cleared around $7 billion in outstanding foreign exchange obligations which helped restore confidence in a system many airlines, manufacturers, investors and businesses had struggled to trust. Since then, Nigeria’s net foreign-exchange reserves have risen from $3.99 billion at the end of 2023 to $34.8 billion by the end of 2025, while gross reserves of reached $50.45 billion by mid-February 2026. The balance-of-payments position also turned around, moving from deficits of $3.34 billion in 2023 and $3.32 billion in 2022 to a $6.83 billion surplus in 2024. These are not abstract figures. They show a country rebuilding the buffers it needs to meet external obligations, support currency stability and regain credibility in the foreign-exchange market.

Like Rome, Nigeria will not be built in one season. Development requires patient building, disciplined choices and steady execution.

That repair is also showing in investor behaviour. Capital inflows rose by almost 90 per cent in 2025, from $12.32 billion to $23.22 billion, with foreign portfolio investment carrying much of the increase. This should not be confused with a full factory-investment boom, but it shows that investors are returning to Nigerian financial assets. The stock market gives the clearest expression of that renewed confidence. In 2023, the All-Share Index stood around 53,000 and market capitalisation around ₦30 trillion. By 2026, the index had reached 250,000, with market capitalisation rising to ₦160 trillion, recording a near fivefold rise to a record 250,000 points. That kind of movement does not happen in a market where investors see only drift and uncertainty. It reflects a major revaluation of Nigerian assets and a growing belief that the reforms are positively changing the direction of the economy.

Inflation is the most sensitive indicator because Nigerians judge policy by what they pay every day. When President Tinubu assumed office, inflation was already at 22.41 per cent in May 2023, before the difficult but necessary reforms around subsidy and the exchange rate pushed price pressures higher, reaching 34.80 per cent in December 2024. The more recent figure of 15.69 per cent in April 2026 points to easing, but it must be interpreted cautiously because the National Bureau of Statistics rebased the Consumer Price Index. The point is, inflation has moved down from the severe stress of the adjustment period, but food prices and household costs must fall further before many Nigerians can feel the full benefit.

The growth and revenue figures show an economy drawing strength from outside oil. In the first quarter of 2023, before President Tinubu assumed office, the NBS put real GDP growth at 2.31 per cent, with the economy slowed by the cash crunch. By the first quarter of 2026, real GDP growth had risen to 3.89 per cent and is projected to rise above 4 per cent within a year according to international financial institutions. Manufacturing had grown by 3.29 per cent, and the non-oil sector accounted for 96.08 per cent of real GDP. Between January and August 2025, total government collections also rose to ₦20.59 trillion, from ₦14.6 trillion in the same period of 2024, with non-oil sources bringing in ₦15.69 trillion, about three out of every four naira collected. This shows the economy has continued to expand, and much of that activity is coming from where most Nigerians work and do business, and government now has more fiscal room to fund roads, schools, health care, security and social support. The more Nigeria can fund public obligations from a broader revenue base, the less it has to govern from a position of fiscal anxiety.

Oil output strengthens the recovery case because it sits at the centre of Nigeria’s foreign-exchange and revenue position.

In April 2023, before President Tinubu assumed office, Nigeria’s average crude oil and condensate output stood at about 1.25 million barrels per day. By April 2026, it had risen to 1.663 million barrels per day. That is an increase of about 32.8 per cent in total crude oil and condensates from April 2023. For an economy that depends heavily on oil for foreign exchange and public revenue, that recovery gives the country more room to defend the naira, fund the budget, meet external obligations and rebuild investor confidence in the upstream sector.

NELFUND is one of the clearest ways the reform agenda is reaching households. For many families, the hardest part of higher education is the pressure of paying fees and upkeep at the same time. By creating a public financing route for students, the administration is reducing one of the barriers that keeps capable young Nigerians out of school or pushes them to drop out. As of March 9, 2026, the fund had disbursed ₦206.29 billion to 1,164,222 beneficiaries, with ₦128.84 billion paid to institutions for fees and ₦77.45 billion paid to students as upkeep allowances. The figures show a policy meeting a real need across the federation: education financing is providing practical support for families. We are seeing continuous stability and growth in the education sector.

The new minimum wage also belongs in this assessment, although wage policy alone cannot defeat inflation. President Tinubu signed the new national minimum wage into law in July 2024, raising it from ₦30,000 to ₦70,000 and the review period from five years to three years. The increase responded to a real problem: wages had fallen too far behind prices. Wage policy alone cannot defeat inflation, but it helps protect the lowest-paid workers during a difficult adjustment period. The larger goal remains an economy where incomes rise because production, productivity and business activity are rising with government adjusting the wage floor from time to time.

Nigeria’s reform credibility is also changing how the country is read abroad. For foreign affairs, this has practical value. It affects how investors price the country, how lenders assess risk, how development partners engage, and how much confidence Nigeria carries into economic negotiations. Multilateral bodies like the IMF and the World Bank have linked Nigeria’s current stronger macroeconomic stability to reforms. Also significant, in May 2026, S&P positively upgraded Nigeria’s long-term sovereign rating, citing a stronger macroeconomic profile, higher oil production, domestic refining capacity and exchange-rate liberalisation. These are signals that Nigeria is beginning to recover credibility in the places where capital, credit and economic influence are negotiated.

For those of us who work on foreign affairs, these domestic indicators are directly connected to Nigeria’s standing abroad. A country negotiates better when businesses trust its currency market, airlines and investors believe legitimate obligations will be honoured, partners see better fiscal management, and citizens abroad experience better service from the Nigerian state.

Stronger reserves, a balance-of-payments surplus, renewed capital inflows, better revenue performance, oil output recovery and education financing shape how Nigeria is read by investors, development partners, diaspora communities and other governments.

The strongest criticism of the administration may be that Nigerians still experience reform as pressure before relief. That criticism cannot be dismissed. But, three years after President Tinubu took office, the honest conclusion is that the early returns are real, and historically significant. Nigeria has rebuilt net foreign-exchange reserves from a very weak position. It has moved from balance-of-payments deficits to surplus. Capital is returning to Nigerian financial assets. The stock market has reached record levels. Public revenue has improved. Growth has continued under difficult conditions. Oil output has recovered from the low levels recorded before the administration. NELFUND has opened a new route for education financing. The minimum wage has been raised. These are serious developments.

The responsibility now is to protect the gains, reduce inflation further, improve food supply, lower business costs, deepen infrastructure and energy reforms, strengthen security and demand better spending from every tier of government. The early returns are beginning to show. The next task is to make them more visible in the markets, classrooms, farms, workplaces, airports, hospitals and homes.

Like Rome, Nigeria will not be built in one season. Development requires patient building, disciplined choices and steady execution. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is laying that foundation. That is the TinuBOOM effect: the early signs of a country beginning to recover its footing, rebuild confidence and prepare the ground for wider relief.

*Oshodi is the Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Foreign Affairs and Protocol

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“At the height of the subsidy regime, Nigeria was spending as much as ₦18.4 billion daily to sustain petrol subsidies. Over ₦4 trillion was spent in 2022 alone. These resources could have been invested in roads, healthcare, education, housing, and other critical infrastructure. Multiple exchange rate windows and forex arbitrage created massive distortions, with Nigeria losing more than ₦8 trillion over three years to rent-seeking and speculative practices”, he noted.

On his first day in office, the situation, he added, demanded urgent and courageous action. Difficult but necessary decisions had to be taken to stabilise the economy and prevent a deeper national crisis. “The easy choices would have been politically convenient, but leadership demands courage, especially when the right decisions are difficult.”

At the Eagle Square, venue of his inauguration, in a moment that would define his presidency more than he perhaps intended, President Tinubu, trashing any preamble, declared that fuel subsidy was gone. What shocked Nigerians following his declaration was that there were no cushioning effect measures. Just like that. Subsidy is gone.  Those four words would cascade into one of the most consequential and painful economic ruptures in Nigeria’s post-military history. He was right that the subsidy had to go. Where his administration fell woefully short was in managing what came after.

For decades, fuel subsidy had drained public finances while failing to deliver sustainable economic benefits. The subsidy regime disproportionately benefited a narrow class of middlemen and wealthy consumers rather than ordinary Nigerians. By abolishing the subsidy, the Tinubu administration freed substantial fiscal resources that could be redirected toward infrastructure, social investment, and economic development.

Closely connected to this was the unification of the foreign exchange market. Before 2023, Nigeria operated a deeply distorted exchange rate system characterized by multiple windows and significant disparities between official and parallel market rates. This encouraged speculation, round-tripping, capital flight, and severe inefficiencies in foreign exchange allocation. The unification policy restored greater transparency and reduced opportunities for arbitrage.

The administration also oversaw the successful recapitalization of the Nigerian banking sector, another major reform with long-term implications for economic growth and financial stability. Banks were required to significantly increase their capital base, with international banks mandated to raise minimum capital thresholds to N500bn. Thirty-three banks (out of 36) successfully complied before the March 31 2026 deadline, increasing aggregate banking sector capital by over 60 per cent. This exercise strengthened the resilience of the financial system, improved investor confidence, and positioned Nigerian banks to finance the large-scale infrastructure and industrial projects required for long-term economic transformation.

Now is the time for President Tinubu to redouble his efforts in tackling the worsening security situation in the country.

The increase in Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) disbursements to States and Local Governments since 2023 has also significantly improved subnational fiscal capacity. Monthly FAAC allocations have reportedly risen by an average of about 45 per cent largely due to subsidy removal, improved revenue collection, and reforms within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited. Consequently, many states have been able to clear salary arrears, settle longstanding contractor debts, and reduce domestic debt burdens. The increased fiscal space gives subnational governments greater responsibility to invest aggressively in agriculture, infrastructure, healthcare, education, industrialization, and youth employment programmes.

The Supreme Court judgment which gave Local Government financial autonomy ended a long-running parasitic arrangement whereby Governors treated federal allocations meant for Nigeria’s 774 LGAs as personal slush funds. The resolution of the OPL 245 dispute over one of Africa’s richest oil blocks, frozen for decades by litigation and diplomatic embarrassment, cleared the path for an additional 150,000 barrels per day in production capacity.

The student loan programme under NELFUND, irrespective of its current implementation gaps, represents a first institutional attempt to keep low-income students in tertiary institutions rather than watch them drop out quietly and without recourse. These are real gains, and they deserve fair acknowledgement before any reckoning.

In the petroleum sector, the administration has pursued reforms aimed at improving transparency and efficiency within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited. The overhaul of NNPCL’s management, and the implementation of Executive Order 09, which mandates direct remittance of crude oil revenues directly into the Federation Account, represent significant governance reforms. NNPCL’s contributions to FAAC reportedly increased by over 300 per cent following these changes, ending an era where the national oil company was often criticized as a fiscal burden rather than a revenue-generating institution.

The administration has also pursued ambitious infrastructure projects, including the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and the Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway. These projects, if successfully completed, could significantly improve national connectivity, logistics efficiency, trade integration, and economic productivity. Infrastructure development remains one of the strongest catalysts for long-term growth, industrialization, and employment generation. Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit remains enormous, spanning roads, rail, power, healthcare, irrigation, ports, and digital infrastructure. The government’s willingness to borrow concessionally for productive infrastructure therefore reflects an understanding that development cannot occur without large-scale capital investment.

However, the gains of macroeconomic stabilization have not yet translated sufficiently into broad-based improvements in living standards. Although Tinubu formally declared poverty a national emergency, nothing much has been achieved in that regard.

This reality becomes clear when examining the challenge of unemployment and poverty, particularly among young Nigerians. Youth unemployment remains one of the greatest threats to Nigeria’s social stability and future development. With over 70 per cent of the population below the age of thirty-five, the country’s long-term prosperity depends largely on whether it can productively engage the energy, creativity, and entrepreneurial capacity of its youths.

To its credit, the Tinubu administration has introduced several initiatives aimed at expanding youth opportunities. The three-million Technical Talent Programme represents one of the most strategic interventions in Nigeria’s digital economy. By equipping young Nigerians with skills in software development, data analysis, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and digital marketing, the programme recognizes that the future global economy will increasingly be driven by technology and knowledge-based industries. Millions of Nigerian youths possess the talent to compete globally if provided with the right training, infrastructure, and digital access.

However, the success recorded so far has not translated into improved economic conditions for the masses. More than three-quarters of Nigerians are living in multi-dimensional poverty. Many are so poor that they are simply surviving rather than living. Tinubu himself alluded to the harsh economic condition of the poor when he, albeit jokingly, said that he too has lost weight like the suffering.

However, such a joke at this point in time does not bode well with many Nigerians, who feel that his reforms should have a human face. In fact, any reform that does not improve the living conditions of the masses needs to be reviewed. The people cannot continue to endure hardship while a few, particularly those close to the corridors of power, continue to enjoy.

Most Nigerians are daily losing hope that anything meaningful can come out of the Tinubu government.  While we agree that most of the reforms – particularly the fuel subsidy removal and the unification of the dual exchange rates – as operated under the late Muhammadu Buhari’s regime messed up the economy, those policies should have been well thought-out with cushioning effects in place before implementation.

Another sore point in the minds of most Nigerians is the worsening security situation across the country. It has been over two weeks since scores of teachers and pupils in Oyo and Borno States have been in kidnapper’s den with Nigerian security agencies seemingly helpless in their rescue. Ragtag criminal of less than 20 people are holding the whole nation to ransom, murdering a classroom teacher in cold blood, and threatening to kill more if their demands are not met. Those demands have been made known to Seyi Makinde, the Governor of Oyo State, who seems to be completely clueless about what to do. Those in the military high command also seem helpless and life goes on in desolation for many.

It is sad that amongst the kidnap victims is an 18-month-old baby. Several underage victims have been recorded being tortured by the mindless charlatans, yet many families slaughtered rams and cows to celebrate the Eid-El-Adha, and President Tinubu can sleep comfortably at night while several of our compatriots are in the bushes, exposed to the elements with little or no food or shelter.

Due to the fast-approaching elections, our politicians are busy conducting sham primaries elections to pick candidates for various offices while the fate of our school children and their teachers is relegated to the background. They should be reminded that the security situation in the country would play a major role in determining who leads the country from May 29 next year. Leaders who cannot protect the lives and property of their citizens have no business in governance. Many Nigerians can no longer drive from one state to another without being apprehensive of what lies ahead due to the fear of kidnapping.

Going to the farm to plant food and cash crops have become herculean tasks with the fear of bandits on the minds of most farmers. The roads are not safe, farming is threatened, going to school for learning is also a dangerous venture due to the fear of kidnappers, yet we say that we have a country. Even if you stay within the four walls of your home, you can still be picked by terrorists who now seem to be more powerful than the State.

Now is the time for President Tinubu to redouble his efforts in tackling the worsening security situation in the country. His three years in office has not had any meaningful impact on the lives of most Nigerians, despite his ‘glowing reforms’. He still has the opportunity to turn the tide if he has the political will and gives his reforms a human face.

See you next week.

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The directive, issued by the national leadership of the union, is in protest against the continued captivity of abducted teachers and pupils, whose rescue and safe release remain uncertain.

The document was signed by the chairman of the NUT, Hassan A. Fatai, and the secretary, Com. Salami Olukayode,

According to the union, the prolonged detention of the victims has created fear and anxiety among teachers, discouraged parents from sending their children to school, and heightened tension across communities in the state.

The NUT said the industrial action was aimed at drawing the attention of government authorities to the urgent need to intensify efforts toward securing the safe release of the abductees without further delay.

The union urged all teachers to comply fully with the directive, remain law-abiding, and stay safe in their respective homes throughout the period of the strike.

It also reaffirmed its solidarity with the abducted teachers, pupils, and their families, stressing that lawful engagements with relevant government authorities would continue until the victims regain their freedom.

The union concluded by assuring members that it remained committed to protecting the welfare and security of teachers and learners across the country.

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Obi made the commitment on Saturday in Abuja while accepting his nomination as the party’s presidential flag bearer, declaring that “a New Nigeria is Possible”.

He also pledged to transform the economy, tackle insecurity, create jobs and end widespread hunger through targeted investments in key sectors.

The former Anambra State governor said his administration would be driven by transparency, productivity and national unity, stressing that Nigeria’s current challenges required urgent and decisive leadership.

Obi noted that the country continued to face significant socio-economic challenges, including insecurity, poverty, unemployment, hunger, and limited access to healthcare and education.

He, however, expressed confidence that Nigeria could overcome its challenges through efficient resource management and visionary leadership.

A key highlight of his address was his promise to overhaul the power sector, which he described as central to economic growth and industrial development.

“Nigeria today is the nation with the highest number of citizens lacking access to electricity globally,” he said.

He noted that Nigeria generated and distributed about 4,000 megawatts of electricity for a population of over 200 million people, describing the figure as inadequate.

Comparing Nigeria with countries such as South Africa and Egypt, which generate over 40,000 megawatts in spite of smaller populations, Obi said the gap reflected a major structural challenge.

“Over the next four years, I commit to ensuring a minimum of 10,000 megawatts increase in power generation and distribution,” he said.

On security, Obi pledged to deploy intelligence-driven and technology-based approaches to tackle insecurity, while addressing root causes such as poverty, unemployment and social exclusion.

He also promised to strengthen the healthcare system, including increasing health insurance coverage from about 10 per cent to over 20 per cent within four years.

According to him, his administration would raise healthcare spending to at least 10 per cent of GDP and ensure that every one of Nigeria’s 8,809 political wards has a functional primary healthcare centre.

On education, Obi pledged increased investment in schools, teacher training, technology and vocational skills development, saying human capital is the foundation of national transformation.

He expressed concern over rising food insecurity, noting that over 35 million Nigerians were projected to face acute hunger in spite of the country’s agricultural potential.

“We have absolutely no justification for being among the world’s hungriest nations,” he said, adding that his government would prioritise agricultural productivity to shift Nigeria from consumption to production.

Obi also promised targeted support for micro, small and medium enterprises through tax incentives, access to affordable credit and job-creation policies aimed at empowering young Nigerians.

Earlier, NDC National Leader, Sen. Seriake Dickson, presented the party’s flag to Obi, describing it as “a symbol of victory for Nigerians”.

The national chairman of the party, Sen. Moses Cleopas, said the NDC had recorded significant growth within three months of its registration and was positioned to offer Nigerians a credible alternative ahead of the 2027 polls.

Source: NAN

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