INEC, in a notice of appeal dated and filed on May 25 through its lawyer, Alex Izinyon, SAN, also filed a motion for stay of execution of the judgement, pending the hearing and determination of its appeal at the Court of Appeal.

The electoral umpire, which gave nine grounds for its appeal, argued that the trial judge, Justice Mohammed Umar, erred in law when he failed to pronounce on the jurisdictional issue of the suit being hypothetic and academic which failure occasioned denial of fair hearing to the commission.

It argued that the trial judge’s interpretation of Section 29(1), 82 and 84 of the Electoral Act, 2026 did not permit the restricted narrow interpretation accorded by the court.

INEC further argued that the trial court misdirected itself in law when it failed to apply the provision of Section 151 of the Electoral Act, 2026 to the appellant’s case, among other grounds.

INEC, the appellant, had named Youth Party, YP, as respondent in appeal.

The commission sought two orders, including an order allowing its appeal and setting aside the judgement delivered by Justice Umar on May 20 in suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026 between Youth Party and INEC.

It also sought an order striking out the suit as the respondent (YP) lacked the locus standi to institute and maintain same and that the suit is academic.

In a related development, INEC, in a motion on notice also filed on May 25 at the FHC, sought an order staying the execution and/or further execution of the judgement pending the hearing and determination of the appeal filed by it.

Justice Umar of FHC in Abuja had, on May 20, voided the 2027 election timetable issued by INEC.

The judge, in a judgment delivered on a suit brought by YP, held that INEC’s action imposed restrictive timeframes on political parties for the conduct of primaries and other pre-election activities contrary to the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026.

He held that INEC lacked the statutory power to fix or prescribe the timeframe within which political parties must conduct their primaries for the nomination of candidates for the 2027 general elections.

Source: NAN

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The post 2027 election: INEC appeals judgment voiding timetable appeared first on Frontpageng.

In a disclaimer and public notice issued on Wednesday, the party said the suit, marked FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026 and titled Youth Party vs. INEC, as well as the judgment delivered on May 20, 2026, by Justice M. G. Umar, were initiated without the authorisation of the party’s National Working Committee, NWC, or any recognised organ of the party.

The party maintained that neither its leadership nor any of its official structures approved the legal action against INEC, stressing that those behind the suit acted independently and without the mandate of the party.

According to the statement, the Youth Party remains committed to complying with the electoral guidelines and timetable issued by INEC ahead of the 2027 general elections.

It added that the party was not in conflict with the electoral body and had no intention of using the courts to undermine or circumvent lawful electoral processes.

“We dissociate ourselves entirely from this suit, its proceedings, and the judgment arising therefrom,” the statement reads in part.

“Furthermore, we wish to state clearly that Youth Party has consistently demonstrated its readiness and capacity to comply with the electoral guidelines and timetable issued by INEC for the 2027 General Elections.

Whilst, the time frame is short and challenging, we do not seek judiciary intervention. We are super focused on our National Convention fixed for Saturday, 23rd May and our primaries scheduled for  Friday, 29th May, 2026. ”

The leadership further warned that any individual or group that filed or prosecuted the matter in the party’s name without authorisation would be held personally accountable.

The disclaimer came amid heightened political activities and legal disputes linked to preparations for the 2027 general elections.

Although the party did not disclose details of the judgment in its statement, the development suggests possible internal disagreements over litigation purportedly undertaken on its behalf.

The party reaffirmed its commitment to lawful engagement with INEC and adherence to Nigeria’s electoral framework.

In the judgment, Justice M. G. Umar of the Federal High Court in Abuja restrained INEC from enforcing portions of its revised timetable and schedule of activities for the 2027 general elections, holding that several timelines imposed by the electoral body were inconsistent with the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026.

The judge held that INEC exceeded its statutory powers by prescribing deadlines that abridged periods expressly guaranteed to political parties under the Electoral Act.

The suit was argued by J. O. Olotu for the plaintiff, while Sarafa Yusuf represented INEC.

In a series of declarations, the court clarified the scope of INEC’s powers regarding party primaries, submission of candidates’ particulars, substitution of candidates, publication of final candidate lists, and campaign activities.

Justice Umar held that Sections 29, 82, and 84(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026 do not empower INEC to prescribe timelines for political parties to conduct primaries for the nomination of candidates for the 2027 elections.

According to the court, INEC’s role is limited to receiving notices of party primaries, monitoring the primaries, and obtaining candidates’ particulars, but does not extend to fixing dates for the conduct of primaries.

The court further declared that under Section 29(1) of the Electoral Act, political parties were entitled to submit candidates’ particulars up to 120 days before an election and that INEC could not lawfully shorten that statutory period through its timetable.

Justice Umar also ruled that Section 31 of the Electoral Act allows political parties to withdraw and substitute candidates up to 90 days before an election, adding that INEC lacked the authority to impose an earlier deadline.

On the publication of candidates’ names, the court held that Section 32 of the Electoral Act did not permit INEC to publish the final list of candidates earlier than the minimum 60-day period prescribed by law.

The judge further ruled that INEC did not have the statutory authority under Section 98 of the Electoral Act to compel political parties to end campaigns two days before an election, as stated in the revised timetable.

The court also clarified that the timeframe stipulated by INEC for the submission of membership registers for party primaries did not apply to primaries conducted to replace candidates who voluntarily withdrew from elections.

Consequently, the court nullified the timelines contained in INEC’s Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Elections relating to party primaries, submission of candidates’ particulars, withdrawal and substitution of candidates, publication of final candidate lists, and campaign activities.

Justice Umar held that the affected provisions of the timetable were inconsistent with the Electoral Act, 2026, and were therefore unlawful, invalid, and of no effect.

The judgment is expected to significantly impact preparations for the 2027 general elections and may compel INEC to review its timetable to align with the provisions of the Electoral Act.

The order was issued in Abuja under the seal of the court and signed by the Registrar, Mu’azu Kasimu.

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The post Youth Party rejects suit against INEC, says action not authorized appeared first on Frontpageng.

Justice Mohammed Umar, in a judgment delivered on a suit brought by Youth Party, held that INEC’s action imposed restrictive timeframes on political parties for the conduct of primaries and other pre-election activities contrary to the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026.

Justice Umar held that INEC lacked the statutory power to fix or prescribe the timeframe within which political parties must conduct their primaries for the nomination of candidates for the 2027 general elections.

The plaintiff; Youth Party, had, in the suit marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026, sued INEC as sole defendant.

The plaintiff, in the originating summons dated and filed March 11, sought six reliefs.

Justice Umar granted all the plaintiff’s six reliefs.

The judge declared that INEC could not lawfully abridge or limit the statutory periods provided under the Electoral Act in relation to submission of personal particulars of candidates, withdrawal and substitution of candidates, among others.

Justuce Umar, therefore, set aside the portions of INEC’s Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for the 2027 General Elections which imposed timelines inconsistent with the Electoral Act, 2026.

“It is hereby ordered as follows:

“A declaration is hereby made that upon a proper consideration and interpretation of the provisions of Sections 29, 82 and 84(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026, the powers of the defendant to receive notice of party primaries and the personal particulars of candidates, and its duty to attend, observe and monitor such primaries, does not extend to fixing or prescribing the timetable within which political parties may conduct their primary elections for the purpose of nominating candidates for the 2027 general elections.

“A declaration is made that having regards to Section 29(1) of the Electoral Act, 2026 which requires political parties to submit the personal particulars of their candidates not later than 120 days to an election, the defendant cannot lawfully abridge or limit that statutory period by prescribing a shorter timeframe in its 2027 election timetable.

“A declaration is made that having regards to Section 31 of the Electoral Act, 2026 which permits political parties to withdraw and substitute candidates not later than 90 days to the conduct of an election, the defendant cannot lawfully abridge or limit that statutory period by fixing earlier deadline for the withdrawal and replacement of candidates in its 2027 election timetable.

“A declaration is made that having regards to Section 32 of the Electoral Act, 2026, the defendant does not possess the statutory power to publish the final list of candidates for the 2027 general election before the 60 days minimum period prescribed by law.

“A declaration is made that upon a proper construction of Section 98 of the Electoral Act, 2026, the defendant does not possess the statutory power or authority to fix in its timetable for the 2027 general elections for campaign to end 2 days before the elections.

“A declaration is made that upon proper interpretation to Section 33 of the Electoral Act, 2026, the time frame prescribed by the defendant for submission of membership registers for the conduct of primary elections is NOT applicable to primary elections conducted for the purpose of replacing withdrawn candidates.

“Order is hereby granted setting aside or nullifying the time-frames imposed by the defendant in its Revised Timetable and Schedule of Activities for 2027 General Election for the conduct of primary elections by political parties for the 2027 general elections,” the court held.

The court also ruled that the submission of personal particulars of candidates by their political parties for the 2027 general elections and campaigning for the 2027 general elections were inconsistent with the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2026.

Source: NAN

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The post Court voids INEC timetable for conduct of 2027 polls appeared first on Frontpageng.

Justice Peter Lifu fixed the date after lawyers to the plaintiff and the defendants adopted their processes and presented their arguments for and against the case.

Jideobi, the plaintiff, had sued Jonathan, Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, and the Attorney-General of the Federation as 1st to 3rd defendants respectively.

When the case was called on Monday, all the defendants except INEC was not represented in court.

When it was confirmed that the electoral umpire had been duly served with all the court documents and failed to appear, Justice Lifu foreclosed its defence in the matter.

Counsel to the plaintiff, Ndubuisi Ukpai, then informed the court of their motion on notice seeking the judge’s withdrawal from the case, citing alleged bias.

Ukpai said the motion, dated May 11, was filed same date.

The lawyer urged the court to grant their reliefs.

Responding, Chief Chris Uche, SAN, who appeared for the ex-president, vehemently opposed Jideobi’s motion.

The senior lawyer described the application as “frivolous, baseless and founded on gross misrepresentation.”

“In opposition, we filed a counter affidavit of five paragraphs on May 12.

“We want my lord to rely on the record of this honourable court which has entirely dismissed the plaintiff’s entire claims as false and perjury,” he said.

Uche, who urged the court to discountenance the application as constituting a gross abuse of the court process, prayed the court to dismiss same with substantial cost and proceed with the case.

In the same vein, the AGF, Mr Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, who was represented in court by Mrs Maimuna Lami-Shiru, the Director of Civil Litigation and Public Law, Federal Ministry of Justice, also prayed the judge to dismiss the motion.

Lami-Shiru submitted that a judge may recuse himself from a case if he feels that his involvement will affect the impartiality of the suit.

“This court can only recuse itself from a suit where the facts and events may affect the impartiality and ability to do justice in the case,” she said.

She said that the guiding principles are drawn from the constitution and the rules of the court.

The lawyer, however, argued that the instant motion was an abuse of court process.

She urged the court to dismiss the plaintiiff’s motion as being baseless, unmeritorious and unfounded on proper provisions of the law.

According to her, he who comes to equity must come with clean hands.

Lami-Shiru, who urged the court to dismiss the motion with substantial cost, sought N2 million cost in favour of the ministry.

On the main suit, Ukpai said the originating summon was dated October 3, 2025, but filed on October, 2025.

The plaintiff lawyer, who said the reliefs sought were contained on the face of the documents, prayed the court to grant their prayers.

He said they were in receipt of a counter affidavit from the AGF, the 3rd defendant, and sought 14 days to respond, saying they were still within time to file their response.

Justice Lifu, however, gave Ukpai the leave or permission to address the court orally, since an accelerated hearing of the case had earlier been granted.

After Ukpai’s submission, Uche equally opposed the originating summon.

He said their defence by way of a counter affidavit was filed on May 7.

He said attached to the application were two important documents listed as Exhibits A and B.

Uche said while Exhibit A is the judgement of the Federal High Court which had earlier decided the case, Exhibit B is the judgement of the Court of Appeal in another similar case.

“We urge your lordship to dismiss this case for being misconceived, speculative, hypothetical and grossly lacking in merit,” he said.

The lawyer submitted that the relevance of Section 137(3) of the 1999 Constitution  (as amended), which came into effect in 2018, could not have effect retroactively in 2015.

“This does not affect the 1st defendant (Jonathan),” he said.

According to him, this suit is merely an academic exercise.

He said the constitution guarantees every Nigerian, including Jonathan, the rights to participate in political activities.

“We urge my lord to hold that this case is completely unmeritorious and that the plaintiff has no locus standi and no cause of action has crytalised,” he said.

The ex-predident’s lawyer, who urged the court to dismiss the suit with substantial cost, sought N50 million cost.

Also arguing, Lami-Shiru, said the AGF filed a six-paragraph counter affidavit dated and filed on May 18.

She prayed the court to dismiss the suit in its entirety, especially against the 3rd defendant (AGF).

Uche also moved his preliminary objection challenging the jurisdiction of the court to hear the suit.

He prayed the court to dismiss the suit for want of jurisdiction.

According to the lawyer, the suit is purely speculative, founded on conjecture, premature and predicated on media speculation, as there was no nomination, no election and no cause of action.

“The court lacks jurisdiction to entertain hypothetical constitutional questions.

“The suit constitutes a gross abuse of court process, aimed at obtaining a pre-emptive political judgment.

“Cosmetic joinder of 2nd and 3rd

defendants is a mere jurisdictional artifice,” he said.

He submitted that the issues raised had already been judicially settled by a subsisting judgment of the Federal High Court, Yenagoa.

The former president, therefore, sought an order striking out the suit for want of jurisdiction and as constituting a gross abuse of court process.

Lami-Shiru did not oppose the preliminary objection filed on behalf of the former president.

After the judge heard the plaintiff’s opposition to the preliminary objection, Justice Lifu adjourned the matter until May 26 for composite judgement.

Source: NAN

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The post Court adjourns for judgment as Jonathan, Fagbemi pray court to dismiss eligibility suit appeared first on Frontpageng.

Chairman of INEC, Prof. Joash Amupitan, disclosed this during a courtesy visit to the NYSC leadership in Abuja on Monday.

He met the Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps, Brig.-Gen. Olakunle Nafiu, to strengthen electoral collaboration.

A statement issued by the Chief Press Secretary to the INEC chairman, Adedayo Oketola, highlighted Amupitan’s remarks on NYSC’s importance.

Amupitan said the NYSC remained a critical pillar in Nigeria’s democratic and electoral architecture.

He said corps members had consistently supported elections since the return to democracy in 1999.

“I dare say INEC cannot conduct elections in Nigeria without the NYSC,” Amupitan stated.

He described corps members as the backbone of field election operations across the country.

“When we speak of election manpower, we are essentially speaking of your corps members,” he added.

He said their neutrality and discipline enhanced credibility at polling units nationwide.

“They are the most dedicated, educated and patriotic election staff we have,” he said.

Amupitan said their presence strengthened public confidence in electoral outcomes.

He noted that corps members served as ad hoc staff during elections nationwide.

“They form the backbone of our electoral process in every cycle,” he added.

He referenced INEC’s experience during the 2023 general elections as evidence of their importance.

INEC deployed about 1.2 million ad hoc staff during the 2023 polls.

“Over 70 per cent, nearly 850,000, were NYSC members and student volunteers,” Amupitan explained.

He said the 2027 elections would require an even larger mobilisation.

“INEC will deploy 707,384 corps members for the presidential and National Assembly elections.

“The same number will be required for governorship and state assembly elections. This brings the total requirement to 1,414,768 ad hoc personnel nationwide,” he said.

The INEC boss said additional corps members would support off-cycle and bye-elections, adding that about 52,446 corps members will be needed for such elections.

Amupitan said corps members made up nearly 90 per cent of key electoral officers.

He said they had safeguarded ballots across 176,846 polling units nationwide.

“These young Nigerians protected the sanctity of the ballot in difficult terrains,” he said.

He praised their role in the Anambra governorship and FCT Area Council elections.

He said their digital skills ensured effective use of the BVAS system.

“Their tech competence is central to modern electoral administration,” he added.

Amupitan assured that INEC was improving welfare and insurance for corps members.

“We are constantly refining safety and welfare measures for all ad hoc staff,” he said.

He stressed the importance of early training ahead of the 2027 elections while referencing upcoming off-cycle elections in Ekiti and Osun states.

“These elections will test our innovations before the 2027 general elections,” he said, requesting continued collaboration and support from the NYSC leadership.

In his response, NYSC Director-General commended the partnership, saying the NYSC-INEC Memorandum of Understanding had been in place since 2011.

Nafiu described corps members as credible, reliable and easily trainable personnel.

He noted that incoming Gen Z corps members were highly digitally skilled.

“Their digital competence will further strengthen electoral processes,” he said.

He assured INEC of continued NYSC support for all electoral activities.

“We remain committed to supporting credible elections in Nigeria,” Nafiu added.

Source: NAN

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The post INEC to deploy 1.4m corps members for 2027 elections appeared first on Frontpageng.

I read somewhere that the PDP candidate in the forthcoming Ekiti state governorship election, Oluwole Oluyede, warned that the election, slated by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for Saturday, 20 June, 2026, should not be seen as “a mere coronation” of the incumbent governor, Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji aka BAO – but the looming election looks exactly that!

Oluyede must have meant that the opposition candidates already given the all-clear by INEC to contest the Ekiti election would give Oyebanji a run for his money. But that appears, in my view, a pipe dream.

The opposition parties in Ekiti did not toil for it; therefore, they cannot now reap where they did not sow.

Revving its machine and putting all preparations in top gear, INEC announced the accreditation of 98 observer groups – two of them foreign – made up of “civil society groups, professional bodies and institutions with expertise in election observation, governance, human rights, gender advocacy, youth development and peace-building.”

The purpose is to shore up public confidence in INEC as well as enhance the credibility of the election. Serving as watchdogs, election observers help to hold the foot of everyone involved in the conduct of elections to the fire with a view to ensuring that elections are conducted in a free and fair atmosphere and that the outcome respects the wishes of the electorate.

Can Amupitan walk the talk?

The new INEC chairman (he must have started growing grey hairs by now!), Professor Joash Ojo Amupitan (what’s in a name?), has declared the Ekiti election – and that of Osun state that will follow a few months later – as the “litmus test” of his leadership. They will also serve as a preview of the 2027 General Elections. Elections in Nigeria have, from time immemorial, been dogged by controversies and acrimonies about their credibility, usually with allegations and counter-allegations of rigging and the subversion of the people’s will. No election boss has escaped unscathed.

Amupitan promises to be different, but whether he will walk the talk remains to be seen. Whichever way it goes for him, his name will tell a story. I suspect that “Amupitan” means “Ohun-a-mu-p’itan”, shortened into Amupitan or Pitan. It means “Something or a name that tells a story.” Which story this Ohun-a-mup’itan will tell remains to be seen! Like me, Amupitan also has a name he brought from heaven – Ojo. Ojos have their inimitable “oriki” and character traits. I will watch out and wait for Amupitan in that regard!

I expect the Ekiti election to be an easy run for Amupitan for many reasons. One is that the field is not crowded with strong candidates. Elections are more difficult to run in places with multiple strong candidates pulling in different directions. Ekiti used to be in that category but, in my own reckoning, that is not the case this time around for reasons we shall soon enumerate. The Ekiti election is also a one-off thing.

APC, the ruling party in the state, is the ruling party at the Centre; so the power of incumbency, backed up by the ubiquitous “Federal might”, requires a tsunami to upstage it. The momentum, loaded in favour of the incumbent, is, conversely, stacked against his opponents.

Nigeria’s fractious opposition parties

The other parties in the Ekiti election are seriously weakened as well as distracted by factionalization, fragmentation, and litigation. Therefore, they are not likely to approach the coming election from a position of strength and, as they say, a house divided against itself…

While Oyebanji, the APC flagbearer, enjoys the power of incumbency, he also has the staunch support and backing of his party at the national level. APC is the only party of note standing rock solid at the moment. This is a combination that will take more than the strength of Hercules and the endurance of Atlas to overcome. With the absence of father-figures who, as we speak, are consumed by their own battles – be it PDP, ADC, Labour or NNPP – the Ekiti opposition candidates are likely to march into the gubernatorial contest like political orphans. Making a mince-meat of them should not be too tedious a job for Oyebanji to accomplish.

Ekiti and its troublesome elections

I have witnessed tough elections in Ekiti. Which Nigerian political observer will easily forget the Ido-Osi saga? Or of “Rookie” Ayo Fayose challenging and beating Niyi Adebayo, the incumbent Alliance for Democracy governor in 2003? The same Fayose, however, was later run out of town and into exile towards the tail end of his first term of office by maximum ruler, President Olusegun Obasanjo.

What of the epic battle between the “usurper”, Gov. Segun Oni, and his challenger, Dr. Kayode Fayemi, which the courts eventually resolved in Fayemi’s favour? Ironically, Oni remains one of the most humanist governors produced so far by Ekiti. Fayose returned from exile to deny incumbent Gov. Fayemi a straight second term in office, walloping him in a 16-0 landslide victory orchestrated, according to reports, by the “Federal might” of the PDP administration of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, which Fayose enjoyed!

On his way out of office, Fayose tried to play the Bourdillion game (if you understand what I mean!) by choosing and imposing on his party a successor in the person of Professor Kolapo Olubunmi Olusola Eleka, but by this time, the power configuration in Abuja had changed. While Fayose was the incumbent governor, power at the national level had slipped through the fingers of PDP and APC were the new sheriffs in town.

Fayemi, eager to have not just a second term in office but also his pound of flesh, vacated office as a Minister of the Federal Republic to contest the Ekiti governorship election in 2018.

Backed by “Federal might”, Fayemi not only won the election, he did so also in style, returning the same 16-0 margin he had suffered at the hand of Fayose four years earlier, hence that election was nicknamed “return match”! Same “Federal might” and same margin of victory and loss! Revenge, sweet revenge to one, Karma to another!

Oyebanji’s strength

To be fair to him, Oyebanji in his own personal recognition has a lot going for him for reasons which I will now adduce. From my investigation, his approval rating by Ekiti indigenes home and away hovers between 75 and 80%. He is said to have performed as a governor. Someone I had expected to be critical of the governor surprised me when he said if the foundation laid by Oyebanji and the pace of development he has set is followed by successive governors after him, Ekiti could be out of the woods within a generation! That, in my opinion, is massive.

Oyebanji’s personality traits also endear him to many. Another person I interviewed told me: “Once you have seen the gentility and have witnessed the humility of RCCG’s Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye aka Daddy G. O., exactly so is BAO!” I recall seeing a photograph of Oyebanji prostrating full blast for Aare Afe Babalola. When two Ekiti obas were killed by bandits in January 2024 and I was on a delegation that visited Ekiti to commiserate with the government and people of the state, the carriage of the governor was like that of a monk!

After group photographs, I approached Oyebanji and asked him why himself and his counterparts in the South-west were not taking advantage of existing laws on Forest Guards to arrest the ugly tide of banditry and terrorism ravaging the region. I told him, if in doubt, to contact Femi Falana, SAN, who is also an Ekiti son from Ilawe-Ekiti. Falana’s  advocacy on the issue had caught my attention.

Oyebanji confirmed that the south-west governors were aware of the law and were only waiting to accord their fallen colleague, Oluwarotimi Odunayo Akeredolu of Ondo state, who had just passed on, a befitting burial before meeting to take action on the matter. True to his words, Oyebanji was one of the first state governors to implement the Forest Guards initiative in the country – in March 2024.

Who is a monk? Google says they are “traditionally characterized by gentleness, humility, and disciplined nonviolent living, embodying values of compassion and peace. These traits are cultivated through spiritual practice, mindfulness, and, in many traditions, deliberate vows to walk with humility, such as the 12 steps found in the Rule of St. Benedict.” Gov. Oyebanji fits the bill!

Godfathers and godsons are fighting everywhere but not in Ekiti. Oyebanji has not only maintained a cordial relationship with his predecessors of differing political persuasions, he has also been able to navigate the shark-infested waters of the alleged frosty relationship between his presumed godfather and Bourdillon.

How Oyebanji has managed to have all the former governors of the state in his corner is a marvel. Men with ego; men with loyalties to different political parties, and men with insatiable appetites! Nothing demonstrates BAO’s political sagacity more than the commissioning in December last year of the state’s cargo airport when all the former governors of the state honoured Oyebanji with their presence.

Ekiti is also one state where the ruling party is not factionalized and where the Executive and the Legislative arms of government are not at daggers drawn. BAO has had no running battles with traditional rulers in his state, unlike some other states in the same south-west zone. The unions are also at peace with him.

An enviable scorecard

I am not from Ekiti and I do not vote in Ekiti, but because of my conviction that Gov. Oyebanji has performed above par in his first term of office, I wholeheartedly and without reservations endorse and recommend him to the Ekiti electorate for a second term of office.

Oyebanji’s administration has been farmer-and student-friendly; it has disbursed improved bursary and scholarship awards; has given out billions of Naira as credit to small-and medium-scale entrepreneurs; has constructed hundreds of kilometres of township and rural roads; has improved the healthcare delivery system and completed the renovation of hundreds of secondary and primary schools across the state. Its “Bring Back the Youths into Agriculture” initiative is revolutionary. In a polity where corruption struts like a colossus and opaqueness defines government operations, BAO’s Ekiti ranked Number One in the BudgIT State Transparency League for five consecutive quarters (Q2, Q3, Q4 2024 and Q1, Q2, Q3 and Q4 2025). This, again, is massive.

Our people are not task masters; so they do not ask for the moon from their leaders. They know enough not to muzzle the ox that treads the grain. But they also understand that “enikan o kii je ki ilu fe”. Our people demand moderation and respect from their leaders. They want to see evidence that things are moving in the right direction and that they are not simply being taken for a ride, as had been the case again and again in Ekiti.

If that was a jinx, I dare to say that BAO broke it! And one good turn, as they say, deserves another! So, “l’eekan sii” for BAO!

*Bolawole (turnpot@gmail.com 0807 552 5533), former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of the Westerner newsmagazine. He writes the “ON THE LORD’S DAY” column in the Sunday Tribune and “TREASURES” column in the New Telegraph newspapers. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

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The Resident Electoral Commissioner, REC, in Oyo, Prof. Adeniran Tella, made this known in a statement issued in Ibadan on Wednesday.

According to Tella, the third phase of the CVR, which will end on July 10, is for the online pre-registration and physical registration across the state.

He said that the exercise was in line with the 2026 approved timetable, and would also accommodate the rotational movement of INEC Voter Enrollment Device, IVED, machines across all the 33 registration areas of INEC local government area offices.

The REC said the timing for the exercise, including the rotational movement of IVED machines would be between 9:00 a.m. and 3:00 p.m. daily, excluding weekends and public holidays.

He also stated that prospective registrants could visit the commission’s state office and any of its offices across the 33 local government areas within the stipulated time frame for the exercise.

Tella also urged all eligible citizens to take full advantage of the last phase of the CVR to register.

He added that those who wanted to change their polling units or voting state should take the opportunity at hand.

The REC urged registrants who had not yet collected their Permanent Voter’s Card, PVC, to do the same.

Source: NAN

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Except one takes time out to carefully peruse the 2026 amendments to the Electoral Act, its critics will run away creating the impression that digital or non-digital transmission of election results is the only provision of the Act worthy of attention.  Yet, in this well-articulated review written in a simple language that laymen can flow with, retired Justice Alaba Omolaye-Ajileye, who is also a professor of Law at the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), examines the full digitization of the accreditation of voters under the Act and his verdict? Find out here!

“Digital accreditation refers to the electronic verification of a voter’s identity and eligibility before being allowed to vote. Under the Electoral Act, 2026, accreditation is unambiguously required to be digitally conducted through the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, popularly known as BVAS (Section 47 thereof refers)… The term ‘Bimodal’ is derived from the combination of two words: ‘bi,’ meaning two, and ‘modal,’ an adjective formed from the noun ‘mode.’ In essence, the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) signifies an electoral accreditation approach that incorporates two distinct modes of accreditation: biometric fingerprint or facial recognition.

“The essence of this article is to alert the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the Nigerian courts, and other stakeholders on the exclusive digital status of the accreditation process under the Electoral Act, 2026 by the specific mention of BVAS as the prescribed device of accreditation, unlike the 2022 Electoral Act that merely mentioned the use of “a smart card reader or any other technological device”. There are many types of smart card readers but none was specifically mentioned in the Electoral Act, 2022.

“The experience of the 2023 general election and the litigation that followed revealed that a hybrid accreditation regime that combined electronic accreditation through the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) with manual marking of the Register of Voters was ultimately upheld by the courts. This position emerged largely from judicial interpretation of the provisions of the Electoral Act, 2022, which did not expressly specify the particular technological device to be used for accreditation.

“In resolving disputes, the courts, objectionably, ventured beyond the bare provisions of the statute into INEC’s Manuals, Guidelines, and Regulations for the conduct of the 2023 elections, where references to the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System were located and relied upon to validate its use.

“The Electoral Act, 2026, however, represents a deliberate legislative departure from the framework established by the 2022 Act, signaling a clearer statutory direction regarding the nature and method of voter accreditation. The statutory foundation for exclusive digital accreditation under the 2026 Electoral Act is Section 47, which prescribes the mode of voter accreditation in clear and mandatory terms. For the avoidance of doubt, Section 47 of the Electoral Act, 2026 provides:

47. (1) Any person intending to vote in an election shall present himself to a Presiding Officer for accreditation at the polling unit in the constituency in which his name is registered and shall provide a permanent voter’s card (PVC).

(2) To vote, the Presiding Officer shall use a Bimodal Voter Accreditation System or any other technological device that may be prescribed by the Commission, for the accreditation of voters, to verify, confirm, or authenticate the particulars of the intending voter in the manner prescribed by the Commission.

(3) Where a Bimodal Voter Accreditation System or any other technological device deployed for accreditation of voters fails to function in any unit and a fresh card reader or technological device is not deployed, the election in that unit shall be cancelled and another election shall be scheduled within 24 hours if the Commission is satisfied that the result of the election in that polling unit will

substantially affect the final result of the whole election and declaration of a winner in the constituency concerned.

“Section 47(2) clearly provides that the accreditation of voters shall be carried out using a Bimodal Accreditation System or any technological device prescribed by INEC for that purpose. The operative word – “shall” – under the subsection has been consistently interpreted in judicial authorities as generally denoting compulsion and leaves no room for discretion or alternative procedures outside those authorised by the statute.

“By vesting the accreditation process exclusively in BVAS, the Electoral Act establishes a single, unified, and digitally driven method of accreditation, thereby excluding any parallel or supplementary system of manual accreditation. The legal implication of this provision is that any regulation, guideline or manual issued by INEC that purports to introduce or preserve manual accreditation alongside digital accreditation would be inconsistent with the clear provisions of the Act and, to that extent, ultra vires and of no legal effect.

“Accordingly, it can now be firmly asserted that under Section 47 of the Electoral Act 2026, the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) now serves as the primary mechanism for voter accreditation. Section 47(3) provides the operative legal force underpinning its use as the subsection affirms and legitimizes the technological evolution of the electoral accreditation process, thereby positioning BVAS not merely as an administrative innovation, but as a statutorily anchored technological instrument for voter accreditation.

“The exclusivity of digital accreditation through BVAS under the Electoral Act, 2026 is further reinforced by the introduction of a strict procedural consequence tied to device failure. Significantly, rather than permitting manual accreditation as an alternative, Section 47(3) establishes a conditional nullification framework, structured around four sequential conditions.

“In the first place, the law acknowledges that an accreditation device (in this case, BVAS) deployed to a polling unit may fail. Secondly, if the BVAS deployed to a polling unit fails, the law makes provision for a replacement of the device to restore the accreditation process. Thirdly, where a replacement device is not deployed within the time specified under the Act (24 hours), the election in that polling unit shall be cancelled, and a rerun election shall be scheduled. Fourthly, the scheduling of a rerun election in the affected polling unit shall, however, be contingent upon the satisfaction of INEC that the result from that polling unit would substantially affect the overall outcome of the election.

“In effect, this statutory architecture underscores that technological accreditation is not optional but mandatory, and that failure of the device does not authorize a fallback to manual accreditation, but instead triggers a legally structured process of cancellation and conditional rerun. The doctrine of statutory exclusivity applies with full force in this context.

“Where a statute prescribes a particular method for performing an act, that method—and no other—must be followed. This principle is well established in administrative and electoral jurisprudence and operates to prevent

administrative bodies from introducing procedures not contemplated by the enabling statute.

“It is, therefore, appropriate at this stage when the INEC Manual, Guidelines, and Regulations for the 2027 Elections are yet to be published, to draw the attention of INEC to the fact that the inclusion of manual accreditation as a fallback or supplementary procedure—whether in manuals, regulations, or guidelines—runs contrary to the current statutory scheme.

“INEC should also note the trite law that administrative instruments cannot override or expand statutory provisions. Where such conflict arises, the statute prevails, and the conflicting administrative provisions must yield.

“Digital accreditation represents a departure from the traditional and archaic manual system that relied on the marking of voters’ registers. Under the contemporary statutory framework, accreditation of voters using an electronic device constitutes not merely an administrative innovation but a statutory command that forms an integral component of the electoral process.

“The legal significance of this development lies in the fact that accreditation constitutes the gateway to voting. Any compromise in the accreditation process inevitably undermines the credibility of the voting process itself. Therefore, the statutory insistence on digital accreditation is not accidental; it is central to electoral integrity.

“The exclusion of manual accreditation under the 2026 Electoral Act should be taken as reflecting the broader legislative objective of enhancing electoral transparency and integrity. Historically, it is well known that, in Nigeria, manual accreditation through marking of registers was vulnerable to impersonation of voters, underage voting, multiple voting, inflation of voter turnout, manipulation of electoral records, falsification of figures, primitive snatching of ballot boxes, and stuffing of ballot boxes with thumb-printed ballot papers, amongst other electoral vices associated with the Nigerian electoral system.

“The introduction of BVAS represents a deliberate policy and legislative shift aimed at replacing subjective human verification with objective biometric verification. By mandating technological

accreditation and indirectly prohibiting manual alternatives, the law seeks to eliminate opportunities for manipulation associated with the manual systems.

“For INEC, the mandatory use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) imposes stringent operational and administrative obligations of a non-discretionary character. These obligations include, but are not limited to, ensuring the adequate deployment of BVAS devices to all polling units, providing sufficient backup devices to mitigate the risks of malfunction or power failure, and providing comprehensive and continuous training to electoral personnel on the proper use, management, and troubleshooting of BVAS technology.

“In addition, INEC is required to maintain a reliable and responsive technical support infrastructure throughout the election period in order to guarantee the seamless operation of the accreditation process and to minimize disruptions that may compromise the integrity of the exercise.

“Beyond these logistical responsibilities, the Commission retains its statutory duty under Section 47(2) of the Electoral Act, 2026 to prescribe, through its regulations, guidelines, and manuals, the detailed procedures by which the particulars of prospective voters are to be verified, confirmed, or authenticated using BVAS.

“This regulatory responsibility is not merely administrative but foundational to the legality of the accreditation process, as the validity of voter accreditation is ultimately measured against the procedures formally prescribed by the Commission.

“In the days ahead, the Judiciary will be required to play a decisive role in safeguarding the integrity of the electoral process. Judicial officers who will be handling election petitions must maintain a clear understanding of the statutory framework governing accreditation. Training programmes and workshops should emphasize the legal distinction between statutory commands and administrative procedures. Judicial clarity on this issue will significantly reduce the risk of inadvertent validation of unlawful practices.

“Nigerian courts should appreciate the shift in the paradigm of electoral jurisprudence brought about by the positive enactment of BVAS as the sole means of accreditation under the 2026 Electoral Act. Accordingly, in electoral disputes that may ultimately arise, courts must distinguish between statutory provisions and administrative guidelines. While guidelines may assist in understanding procedural details, they cannot override statutory commands.

“Therefore, as the governing statute (Electoral Act, 2026) has prescribed digital accreditation by BVAS, courts must insist on proof of due compliance with the digital procedures. Any reliance on manual processes inconsistent with statutory requirements should be treated as non-compliance.

“It is clear that the Electoral Act, 2026 establishes a clear and mandatory framework for digital accreditation of voters using the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System. This statutory mandate leaves no room for parallel or supplementary manual accreditation procedures unless expressly authorised by law.

“As Nigeria approaches another electoral cycle, it is imperative that all stakeholders recognise the exclusive digital character of the accreditation process… This is one of the crucial ways that the integrity of the accreditation process can be preserved and the credibility of the 2027 elections assured.”

Need I say more?

*Bolawole (turnpot@gmail.com 0807 552 5533), former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of the Westerner newsmagazine. He writes the “ON THE LORD’S DAY” column in the Sunday Tribune and “TREASURES” column in the New Telegraph newspapers. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

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INEC chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan, disclosed this at the swearing-in of a new National Commissioner, retired Rear Admiral Jamila Malafa, in Abuja on Thursday.

Amupitan said that the by-elections would be conducted alongside the Ekiti State governorship election scheduled for the same date.

According to him, the elections will cover senatorial vacancies in Enugu, Nasarawa, Rivers and Ondo states.

He said it would also cover a State House of Assembly seat in Kebbi State and a House of Representatives seat in Kano State.

“We are going into some off-cycle elections very soon. The Ekiti State Governorship Election is scheduled for June 20, 2026.

“On the same date, the Commission will conduct bye-elections to fill vacant seats.

“The senatorial seats declared vacant in Enugu, Nasarawa, Rivers and Ondo states will be filled, alongside the Kebbi State House of Assembly seat and the House of Representatives seat in Kano State,” Amupitan said.

Speaking on the appointment of the new national commissioner, Amupitan described Malafa as a seasoned professional with extensive experience spanning military service and electoral operations.

He noted that she had previously worked with the Commission in the area of logistics and served as Director of Legal Services in the Nigerian Navy, bringing a wealth of administrative and legal expertise to her new role.

The chairman reiterated the commission’s commitment to its constitutional mandate of conducting credible elections in the country.

In her remarks, the newly sworn-in national commissioner expressed appreciation for the reception accorded her and pledged to contribute to the Commission’s work.

“I’m glad to be here and I thank you for the warm reception. I look forward to working with everyone for the development and stability of our country, and for the success of forthcoming elections,” she said.

Source: NAN

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The commission updated its official website to reflect the development, listing the leadership structure for the opposition party with a bold inscription that reads “By Court Order” in front of the names of members of the executive except the National Secretary.

Shehu Musa Gabam was named national chairman, while Dr. Olu Agunloye was listed as National Secretary.

Other NWC members of the party as published on INEC’s website included National Treasurer, Hajia Maggie Mariam; National Financial Secretary, and National Legal Adviser, Barrister Aderemi Abimbola.

Recall that about four weeks ago, the Court of Appeal, Abuja Division, affirmed Shehu Gabam as the authentic national chairman of the party.

In a unanimous judgment delivered on March 27, 2026, a three-member panel of justices ruled on an appeal marked CA/ABJ/CV/126/2026, filed by an aggrieved party member, Fayemi Tosin Babatunde.

According to the Certified True Copy, CTC, of the judgment, the appellant had challenged the validity of the Ekiti State governorship primary, arguing that the party leadership that conducted the exercise lacked legitimacy and the legal authority to constitute an electoral committee.

The appellant specifically faulted the National Working Committee led by Dr. Sadiq Umar Abubakar Gombe and Dr. Olu Agunloye, describing it as illegally constituted and in violation of the party’s constitution and the Electoral Act.

He had also sought an order restraining the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, from recognising candidates produced by the disputed leadership.

The case was initially dismissed by the Federal High Court in Abuja on January 19, 2026, with Justice Emeka Nwite affirming Dr. Gombe as the party’s authentic chairman and upholding the legality of the party’s processes.

However, on appeal, the appellate court partially overturned the lower court’s decision, holding that the trial court lacked jurisdiction to make pronouncements on the SDP leadership tussle.

Delivering the lead judgment, Justice Eberechi Suzzette Nyesom-Wike, alongside Justices Abba Bello Mohammed and Oyejoju Oyebiola Oyewumi, ruled that any findings made without jurisdiction were null and void.

“The appeal succeeds in part,” the court held, affirming only that the appellant was not an aspirant in the disputed primary.

The court subsequently set aside the Federal High Court’s pronouncement recognising Dr. Gombe as the authentic leader of the party, as well as its validation of the November 8, 2025 primary election.

Despite nullifying those aspects, the appellate court relied on INEC’s monitoring report (Exhibit INEC 3), which confirmed that the primary election was conducted with valid delegates and produced a clear winner, Engr. Bankole David Oludele.

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