By LANRE OGUNDIPE

A legislature, in its purest conception, is not merely a lawmaking institution; it is the moral compass of a nation. It is where competing interests are refined into collective purpose, where truth is expected to prevail over expediency, and where power is subjected to scrutiny in the interest of the people.

That is the ideal.

In Nigeria, however, the widening gap between that ideal and reality compels a more uncomfortable question: Has the legislature remained a house of the people, or has it evolved into a house of deals?

The National Assembly of Nigeria—comprising the Nigerian Senate and the House of Representatives—was never designed as a transactional arena. Its constitutional mandate is clear: lawmaking, oversight, and the defence of national interest.

Yet, increasingly, its conduct suggests something else.

Recent developments in legislative screening processes have brought this concern into sharper focus. In the consideration of nominees for sensitive national roles—such as leadership of regulatory and technical institutions—questions of competence and suitability have sometimes appeared secondary to signals of political comfort. In certain instances, support seems to crystalise even before rigorous interrogation is complete, raising an unsettling question: when outcomes appear predetermined, what becomes of scrutiny?

This is not an isolated pattern.

There have been moments when individuals passed through legislative confirmation only for serious doubts to surface shortly after about their preparedness for office. There have also been internal episodes within the legislature where disciplinary actions, rather than reinforcing institutional integrity, have generated further controversy about fairness, consistency, and motive. Each case, taken alone, may be explained away. Taken together, they form a pattern that is harder to dismiss.

A pattern of accommodation over accountability.

A pattern of alignment over interrogation.

A pattern that suggests a gradual but significant institutional drift.

The problem is not representation. In a federation as complex and diverse as Nigeria, representation is indispensable. Every region must have a voice. Every constituency must feel included in the national conversation. But representation was never intended to become a substitute for judgment or a shield against scrutiny.

Today, however, legislative engagement too often appears driven by a narrower calculus: What does my bloc gain? Who must be satisfied? What balance must be preserved?

In that moment, national interest becomes negotiable.

Policies are no longer assessed primarily on merit but on distributive convenience. Critical reforms are weakened to accommodate competing pressures. Urgency is sacrificed for equilibrium. What should be a process of rational deliberation becomes one of calibrated concession.

It is within this environment that mediocrity finds fertile ground.

A legislature that ought to act as a gatekeeper of competence—through rigorous screening and fearless oversight—sometimes appears to lower its guard. Individuals entrusted with significant national responsibilities are shielded not necessarily by their ability, but by their affiliations. Ethnic identity becomes a defence. Political loyalty becomes a credential. Proximity to power becomes a substitute for preparation.

And so, standards begin to erode—not abruptly, but incrementally.

Failure is rationalised. Underperformance is managed. Accountability is negotiated. Over time, what should be exceptional becomes normalised, and what should be unacceptable becomes tolerable.

Meanwhile, the public narrative remains skewed. The executive arm of government, by virtue of its visibility, absorbs the bulk of national frustration. Presidents, ministers, and agency heads become the primary symbols of governance failure. Yet governance is not a solitary enterprise. Laws are enacted by the legislature. Appointments are confirmed by it. Budgets are scrutinised—or insufficiently scrutinised—within its chambers.

When the legislature underperforms, the consequences are systemic.

This is the truth that must be confronted: governance failure in Nigeria is not isolated—it is collaborative.

What is unfolding is not merely inefficiency; it is a gradual redefinition of institutional purpose. The legislature risks shifting from being a guardian of the public good to becoming an arena where interests are traded, outcomes are negotiated, and silence is sometimes more valuable than scrutiny.

Not always. Not entirely. But frequently enough to shape outcomes.

And when such a perception takes root, the damage extends beyond policy. It erodes trust—the invisible currency upon which effective governance depends. Citizens begin to question not just decisions, but the integrity of the processes that produce them. Merit struggles to compete with influence. Reform becomes rhetoric. Progress becomes uncertain.

In such an environment, even well-intentioned policies face resistance, not necessarily because they are flawed, but because the system that produces them is no longer trusted.

Then the inevitable question arises: Can a nation grow under such conditions?

The answer is neither emotional nor ideological—it is structural.

No nation can achieve sustainable development where: competence is secondary, accountability is conditional, and national interest is routinely subordinated to sectional considerations.

Growth, in such circumstances, becomes fragile. Gains are uneven. Confidence is weak. Institutions—no matter how well designed—struggle to deliver consistent outcomes.

Nigeria’s challenge, therefore, is not the absence of frameworks. It is not the absence of laws. It is not even the absence of capable individuals within its legislative system. The challenge is one of discipline and alignment—the consistent alignment of authority with responsibility, of representation with reason, of power with principle.

The legislature must reclaim its role—not as a broker of interests, but as a steward of national direction.

This reclamation will not occur through declarations. It will occur through decisions.

Through a renewed commitment to rigorous scrutiny.

Through the courage to prioritise competence over convenience.

Through the willingness to uphold national interest, even when it conflicts with political comfort.

Representation must inform judgment, not override it.

Oversight must be consistent, not selective.

Confirmation must be thorough, not ceremonial.

Above all, public office must be understood not as an opportunity for negotiation, but as a duty of service.

Until that recalibration occurs, the question will continue to echo across the land—louder, sharper, and more urgent with each passing year:

Is this truly a House of the People—or merely a House of Deals?

The answer will not be found in speeches or symbolism.

It will be found in conduct—visible, measurable, and accountable conduct.

For now, that answer remains uncertain.

And a nation cannot rise above the quality of the institutions that govern it.

*Ogundipe, public affairs analyst, former president of Nigeria Union of Journalists and Africa Union of Journalists, writes from Abuja.

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The two members are Peter Akpanke, representing Obabliku/Obudu/Bekwarra Federal Constituency of Cross River and Prof. Paul Nnamchi, representing Enugu East/Isi Uzo Federal Constituency of Enugu State.

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The two lawmakers cited internal rift within their former parties and the need to align with the federal government’s policies and programmes as reasons for their defections.

Reading the letters of their cross carpeting during plenary, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rep. Abbas Tajudeen, congratulated them for joining the ruling party.

Source: NAN

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The Bill to Amend the Electoral Act 2022 to make voting mandatory for all eligible Nigerians, by the Speaker was co-sponsored with Rep. Daniel Adama Ago.

The announcement of the withdrawal is contained in a statement by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Musa Krishi, in Abuja on Monday.

Abbas said the withdrawal was decided following extensive consultations with a broad spectrum of stakeholders.

“He has decided to withdraw the Bill to Amend the Electoral Act 2022 to make voting mandatory for all eligible Nigerians, which he co-sponsored with Rep. Ago.

“From the outset, the Bill was introduced with the best of intentions, which is to bolster civic engagement and strengthen our democracy by encouraging higher voter turnout,” he said.

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He stated that compulsory voting had long been practised with notable success in countries such as Australia, Belgium and Brazil.

According to him, it has helped sustain participation rates above 90 per cent, while nations like Argentina and Singapore have also implemented similar measures to foster inclusivity at the ballot box.

The Speaker, however, acknowledged that lawmaking was ultimately about the people it served, and that any reform must respect individual freedoms and public sentiment.

“Rather than compel participation, he is committed to exploring positive incentives and innovative approaches that will make voting more attractive and accessible to all Nigerians.

“This withdrawal would allow time for further dialogue on how best to cultivate a culture of voluntary participation that honours both our democratic ideals and the rights of our citizens,” the statement reads further.

Source: NAN

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The legislator made the remark on Thursday at the Royal Institute for Training and Human Capital Development (Zuma Rock Resort) in Niger State, where a Stakeholders Roundtable on the AMCON Sunset Strategy was held.

The event was organized by the House of Representatives Committee on Banking and Other Ancillary Institutions.

The theme is ‘Exit Strategy for AMCON: Policy Considerations and Implementation Plans.”

Eze recalled that since AMCON’s establishment in 2010, the corporation had served as an essential institutional mechanism in stabilizing the Nigerian financial system.

In the wake of the global financial crisis and its local reverberations, AMCON provided a lifeline to banks drowning in toxic assets and non-performing loans, thereby safeguarding the integrity of the Nigerian financial architecture.

Its mandate was clear and concise: to prevent systemic collapse, to safeguard depositors’ funds, and to stabilize the credit environment for sustainable economic recovery.

He said, “The reality is that the wind-down of AMCON cannot and must not be viewed as a simple administrative closure. It represents a significant milestone in Nigeria’s economic evolution — one that requires careful thought, meticulous planning, and broad stakeholder consensus. An exit strategy that is rushed, poorly designed, or inconsistently implemented could undo years of financial stabilization work and expose the banking sector to systemic risks. On the other hand, a well-structured, carefully sequenced, and policy-aligned exit will serve as a testament to Nigeria’s institutional maturity and financial resilience.”

He added: “The task before us, therefore, is not merely to discuss if AMCON should exit — that decision is embedded in its founding principles — but how and when it should exit in a manner that is responsible, efficient, and forward-looking. We must ensure that the outcome of this roundtable discussion provides actionable pathways and clear policy recommendations that address existing gaps, align stakeholder expectations, and guide future financial stability frameworks.

“As we contemplate the operational sunset of AMCON, several policy considerations must anchor our discourse. The first is the issue of residual assets and liabilities. A critical element of any exit strategy lies in how unresolved assets and outstanding obligations are managed post-AMCON. Learning from Global Experiences is vital. Nations such as Ireland, Malaysia, and the United States have confronted similar sunset scenarios for asset management corporations. Nigeria must leverage these lessons while considering our unique socio-economic and financial realities. Mechanisms must be developed to avoid transferring undue risks back to the banking system or, worse still, to the Nigerian taxpayer.

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“The second issue is the legal and regulatory framework. AMCON’s operations were supported by an enabling Act, which empowered it to acquire, manage, and dispose of assets in a manner that serves national economic stability. As the corporation prepares to exit, relevant legislative adjustments must be considered to either repeal, amend, or transition these powers in a manner that maintains market confidence and legal clarity.

“Thirdly, the lessons learned from AMCON’s asset recovery and resolution strategies must be institutionalized. The AMCON era has revealed structural weaknesses in credit administration, loan recovery enforcement, and debtor culture within our financial system. These lessons must not be allowed to fade with AMCON’s exit, but rather be embedded into future financial regulations, supervisory frameworks, and banking practices.”

Warning those who are clamouring for AMCON sunset, Hon. Eze added, “Any conversation around AMCON’s sunset must take into account the broader macroeconomic context. Nigeria’s financial system today faces a host of new and evolving challenges: rising public and private debt levels, foreign exchange volatility, inflationary pressures, and global financial realignments.

“As we plan for AMCON’s exit, we must ask are the buffers in place to withstand future shocks without the need for a similar interventionist body. If not, this roundtable should also address what long-term structural reforms are necessary to shield our financial system from the risks that birthed AMCON in the first place.

“Let me also emphasize that the success of any exit strategy lies in the alignment between legislative action, executive policy, and stakeholder cooperation. The National Assembly, through its oversight responsibilities, is committed to supporting all necessary legislative adjustments that will make this transition smooth and effective. Likewise, we look forward to working with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), the Ministry of Finance (MOF), the Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), the Bankers’ Committee, and all relevant parties in ensuring that the roadmap for AMCON’s exit is inclusive, robust, and technically sound,” he concluded.

Earlier, the Managing Director/CEO of AMCON, Mr. Gbenga Alade, who led the entire Executive Management team of the Corporation to the event in his remarks, said that before discussing the exit strategy, it was important to stress that AMCON has done tremendously well, especially when compared to other notable government-owned Asset Management Corporations around the world.

The AMCON boss informed that based on the purchase price, AMCON outperformed other Asset Management Corporations all over the world by achieving 89% in recoveries despite unique challenges associated with debt recovery in Nigeria.

He said the Malaysian Danaharta, which is adjudged one of the best performing Asset Management Corporation’s only achieved 58%.

The Chinese Asset Management Corporation, despite their stricter laws, achieved 33%.

According to him, AMCON has made recoveries in the sum of N2.13 trillion from inception to date, adding that the Corporation has also saved thousands of jobs both in the Banking industry and other related sectors.

In addition, the Corporation’s Asset Management Partners (AMPs) initiative has created hundreds of direct and indirect jobs thus helping the federal government to reduce the level of unemployment in the country.

“We at AMCON are not oblivious of the fact that the Corporation is not billed/created to remain in perpetuity. Therefore, over the past few years, we have been working with reputable consulting firms to come up with a robust exit plan/strategy. The plan which must take care of the funding gap as it relates to the Resolution Cost Fund, huge unresolved EBAs and litigation portfolios, disposal of assets, divestment from equity holdings, and other operational issues, as well as human resources.

“Mind you, the assets of AMCON do not belong to the Federal Government; rather, they are collaterals pledged by obligors at the point of obtaining the loan. Should obligors settle their obligations, these assets automatically revert to them. The highlighted proposed strategy, if properly implemented, will allow the Corporation to wind down in phases without sending the wrong message to the public.

“You will agree with me that the business of debt recovery is not an easy task, particularly in a clime like ours, where recalcitrant debtors borrow without any intention of repayment. You are aware that only 350 obligors make up over 80% of the total EBA portfolio of the Corporation. Some of these obligors are highly connected, politically exposed persons who operate in critical sectors of the economy. Most of these obligors have stylishly and carefully hidden their assets in BVIs offshore, with the belief that with the approaching sunset date of the Corporation, they will walk away free, and the debt will be added to the already overburdened debt exposure of the country.”

Both Prof. Uche Uwaleke, who is the Director, Institute of Capital Market Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, and Mr Oluseye Opasanya SAN, Principal Partner, Olaniwun Ajaiyi LP, in their presentations at the roundtable discussion, urged the committee to leverage their legislative powers to ensure that AMCON is strengthened by removing all impediments that make it difficult for AMCON to recover its outstanding debt.

They submitted that the government must have the political will to stand with AMCON at all times, block all loopholes in the AMCON Act that enable obligors to tie AMCON down in court, ensure radical judicial support in the discharge of AMCON-related matters, and obliterate all inter-agency bottlenecks, amongst others.

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Faleke gave this assurance on Thursday after the House considered and adopted the report on the four tax reform bills during its session in Abuja.

The bills include the Nigerian Tax Bill, the Tax Administration Bill, the Revenue Tax Board Bill, and the Nigerian Revenue Service Establishment Bill.

“These bills underwent three full days of public hearings, with input from over 80 key stakeholders. Afterward, we held an eight-day retreat to debate each clause.

“I am glad that House members recognised our thorough work and approved all our recommendations,” Faleke said.

He expressed appreciation to fellow lawmakers and Nigerians who engaged with the bills, assuring that the resulting laws will be acceptable to all.

Faleke also thanked the House leadership for entrusting his committee with processing the tax bills and presenting them for consideration.

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He commended President Bola Tinubu for prioritising tax law reforms, noting that some existing tax laws date as far back as 1959.

“We cannot continue using outdated tax laws that no longer meet our business, survival, and revenue needs,” he stressed.

Deputy Committee Chairman, Saidu Abdullahi (APC-Niger), said no bill in the 10th Assembly had generated as much debate as the tax reform bills.

He praised Speaker Tajudeen Abbas for fostering consensus among stakeholders, ensuring broad-based input into the legislative process.

Abdullahi highlighted that representatives from all geopolitical zones and regional thought leaders were involved, easing public concerns.

“The committee’s recommendations reflect the contributions of various stakeholders.

“These were never seen as perfect documents. The Executive made proposals, and the public hearing allowed Nigerians to refine them. Lawmakers have now endorsed the final version,” he added.

Also, Ikeagwuonu Ugochinyere (PDP-Imo) described the process as transparent, with consultants and the Executive making adjustments to reflect public interest.

“In spite of being in the opposition, we are proud of this historic moment. It will expand the tax net and increase government revenue.

“This reform will enhance tax collection efficiency while protecting small businesses. That is why we worked together to ensure its passage,” Ugochinyere said.

In his part, Benson Babajimi (APC-Lagos) said all stakeholder concerns, including inheritance tax, derivation, and VAT, were carefully considered.

“This is a great day for Nigeria. The necessary reforms have been approved by the House, and we now await Senate concurrence,” he said.

Source: NAN

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Abbas stated this during a public hearing on the bills organised by the Special Committee on Tax Reform Bills on Wednesday in Abuja.

The bills are: Nigeria Tax Bill, Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill and Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill.

Abbas said that the House recognised the critical importance of the bills, the anxiety they had generated among Nigerians and the desire of the government to revamp the economy through improved tax system.

According to him, the tax reform bills had generated widespread debate in the media, public domain and even in private discussions, all reflecting their importance.

Abba reiterated that the bills aimed to diversify revenue base, promote equity and foster an enabling environment for investment and innovation.

He said that the President Bola Tinubu-led administration came up with the tax reforms, ostensibly to improve Nigeria’s tax-to-Gross Domestic Product, GDP, ratio by streamlining and broadening the tax base.

“However, as representatives of the people, I have continued to hold the view that we must approach these reforms thoughtfully, understanding their potential implications for every segment of the society.

“Taxes should be fair, transparent and justifiable, balancing the need for public revenue with the burdens they impose on individuals and businesses.

“The house will, therefore, scrutinise these bills thoroughly, ensuring they align with the best interests of our constituents and the nation at large.

“We owe this duty to Nigerians and as the people’s representatives, we must always be accountable to them,” he said.

Abbas urged all stakeholders on tax system to foster robust discussions and harvest the recommendations therefrom.

“In every modern state, taxes are the bedrock of public revenue, providing the resources required to deliver education, healthcare, infrastructure and security,” he said.

The Speaker said that Nigeria, despite being Africa’s largest economy, was still struggling with a tax-to-GDP ratio of just six per cent.

“This is far below the global average and the World Bank’s minimum benchmark of 15 per cent for sustainable development.

“This is a challenge we must address if we are to reduce our reliance on debt financing, ensure fiscal stability and secure our future as a nation.

“Together, let us seize this opportunity to bring forth a tax system that serves the best interests of all Nigerians,” he said.

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Abbas explained that the hearing would help the House to identify areas requiring amendment, clarification or improvement, while also considering the compatibility of the bills with the constitution and other extant laws.

He urged all stakeholders to approach the public hearing with an open but critical mind, feel free to make insightful contributions and raise any concerns agitating their minds on the bills.

Earlier, Chairman of the committee, James Faleke (APC-Lagos), highlighted the need for urgent tax reforms in the country.

Faleke recalled that in 2023, data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) showed that Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio was approximately 9.4 per cent compared to South Africa’s 21.6 per cent, Kenya’s 14.1 per cent and Senegal’s 19.1 per cent.

He also said that in 2023, the total taxes or levies collected by the federal, state and local governments was ₦26.03 trillion.

The lawmaker said that the Joint Tax Board, JTB, only stated that about 35 million Nigerians pay tax, while only nine per cent of companies registered in Nigeria were captured in the tax net.

“This imbalance is unsustainable if we are to adequately fund critical infrastructure needed to build the Nigerian economy to a desirable level.

“Experts have estimated that Nigeria requires $3 trillion (₦1.8 quadrillion) over the next 30 years, which is equivalent to $100 billion, annually to bridge its infrastructure deficit.

“However, our internally-generated revenue (IGR) falls significantly short of this amount, leading the government to borrow substantially in order to bridge the funding gap.

“This reality highlights the urgency of implementing tax reforms that will simplify and enhance revenue collection, reduce reliance on borrowing and drive sustainable development,” Faleke said.

Source: NAN

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Members of the House of Representatives Committee on the review of the 1999 Constitution recently came up with an outlandish proposal for the creation of additional 31 states in the country. The committee, headed by the Deputy Speaker of the House, Benjamin Kalu, noted in its report to the House that if the proposal is approved, it would increase the number of states in Nigeria to 67. I found the committee’s proposal not only ridiculous, but downright insensitive.

At a time when some of the existing 36 states are struggling to survive, some of our lawmakers are thinking of creating more states. What they intend to achieve with such creation is still unknown to me. What is however certain, is that the proposal would never become a reality. It is another wasteful voyage that our lawmakers want to embark upon to make money for themselves.

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, each legislative house has always reviewed the 1999 constitution and would most likely continue to, ad-infinitium. The present constitution review committee was constituted by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, in February, last year. While inaugurating the committee, Abbas said that its formation would address the pitfalls that led to the failure of past Constitution Amendments by representatives working closely with the Executive at the state and Federal levels, with a promise that the current process won’t suffer the fate of previous exercises.

The Kalu’s committee would be the sixth Constitution Review Committee set up in the House of Representative to review the 1999 Constitution since the return to democratic governance in 1999. For the inauguration this time around, there was no committee room good enough in the National Assembly, and Abbas had to take his colleagues to the prestigious Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja. The cost of the inaugural meeting would never be known to you and I.

Now, one of the recommendations of the committee given two years to carry out its assignment is the creation of additional 31 states for the federation. How Kalu and his colleagues in the committee came up with that number is still a mystery. Perhaps, we should just adopt and convert all the 774 local governments in the country to states? In that wise, there won’t be the need for anyone to complain of marginalization again. With that, we would have succeeded in ‘spreading’ development to all the nooks and crannies of the country. At the end of the two-year period given to Kalu and his committee members, he should also be bold enough to tell Nigerians how much was spent by the committee in their desire to give Nigeria a ‘perfect’ constitution.

Indeed, we have many jokers in the National Assembly. Most of them do not think deep enough to ask fundamental questions on the performance of those states already in existence in the country. The hard truth Kalu and his colleagues have failed to ask themselves is that out of the present 36-state structure and the Federal Capital Territory, we have less than 10 of those states able to stand on their own without a begging bow in their hands looking up to the all-powerful federal government for their monthly allocations. How much are the other states generating internally on a monthly basis? Can the funds that they generate take care of their basic functions, such as payment of salaries, and the running of the government? What is their wage bill on a monthly basis?

A recent survey showed that Lagos is the most economically viable state, followed by Ogun and Rivers states. On a wider net, Kaduna, Oyo, Kwara, and Edo states are also categorised as economically viable. Again, data from the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and the Federal Account Allocation Committee in the 2022 Annual State Viability Index Report showed that while Lagos received N370.9bn from the Federation Account, it generated N651.2 bn internally, and Ogun State received N113.4bn from the Federation Account and generated N120.5bn from internal sources. River State received N364.4bn and generated N172bn; Kaduna received N155bn and generated N68bn; Oyo received N181bn and generated N62bn; Edo received N147bn but generated N47.4bn, and Kwara received N99bn and generated N35.7bn.

The report showed that the total IGR of N1.5tn from the seven most viable states in 2022 was almost twice the total IGR of 29 states that generated N650bn. The report went further to show that six states may not even survive without the funds from the federation accounts, as they generated less than 10 per cent of what they received from federal allocations. These states are Bayelsa, Katsina, Kebbi, Akwa Ibom, Taraba and Yobe States, as most of them are unable to attract both local and foreign investments. Of course, investors do not put their money where there is low income, or where their products will not be purchased. Sadly, state governors in those states cannot play the role of catalysts in investment drive.

Kalu and his committee members need to be told that the country’s economy is not growing so exponentially as to accommodate expenses in new states. Each new state will have its bureaucracy, with state buildings and other infrastructure that will gulp huge amounts of funds that could be used to develop the modern infrastructure of the existing states.

With the removal of subsidy on fuel, most states now get more money in their coffers, but the recently approved minimum wage of N70,000 has taken a large chunk on the fund.

In Nigeria, it is not uncommon to find many states owing their civil and public workers’ wages for many months until the Federal Government comes to their rescue, or they borrow money from local banks and secure loans from international financial institutions to carry out simple development projects. The low IGR is reflective of low businesses. Most of the states are civil service states and their wages and salaries or incomes are generally irregular. Coupled with the irregular manufacture and consumption of goods, and the dearth of infrastructure against a high population across the states, some state capitals look like glorified towns and villages, leaving what the hinterland would be like to one’s imagination!

After more than 30 years as a professional journalist, there is no state capital in the country that I have not been to, and some of them could still be described as glorified villages.

Kalu and his committee members need to be told that the country’s economy is not growing so exponentially as to accommodate expenses in new states. Each new state will have its bureaucracy, with state buildings and other infrastructure that will gulp huge amounts of funds that could be used to develop the modern infrastructure of the existing states. To accommodate the new financial requirements for newly established states in the Federal Government’s financial commitment might require devaluation of the naira so that monetised oil money can go around but achieve little, given the resultant inflationary.

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Again, the little resources allocated to those states would be squandered on hotel bills and accommodation by newly elected state governors who will all move to Abuja to get federal allocations. Rather than embarking on a wild goose chase of balkanising the existing states, what should be our priority now is good governance at the state and local government levels, with proper accountability. America, from where we copied the presidential system of government, has only 50 states despite having a population of about 350 million. It also has 100 senators (two per state) and a total of 15 secretaries (equivalent to our Ministers). In our clime with a lesser population figure, we have 109 senators (three per state) and 360 members of the House of Representatives. Yet, we are still thinking of creating more states in a bid to make some politicians local champions at the state level.

Currently, most states in the country have a budget of 70 to 80 per cent recurrent and merely 20 to 30 per cent capital; how can such states develop? If we must alter the constitution, it should be in the area of giving more powers from the federal to the state governors, moving responsibilities on the exclusive legislative list to the concurrent legislative lists, rejigging our leadership recruitment process to get competent and focused leaders at the state and local government levels so that they could drive development. Many states do not have a state development plan, just like the Federal Government, so there is no measurement to judge their achievements. It would be better for the legislature to close the chapter on state creation for now, if not forever, and face the task of making the current state of things to improve.

If at all there must be state creation, it should be just one state in the south east region that have been clamouring for one more state to be at par with other regions. Even though they do not have the land nor the population, a state for the region would douse the noise of marginalisation of the zone by politicians and activists.

However, the tough conditions laid down in the constitution for the creation of states may be an uphill task for the lawmakers as their colleagues in the Senate must concur with those in the House of Representatives, while two-third of lawmakers across the existing 36 states must also sanction the move. I do not see the current exercise going through the rigour at this period. There are pressing issues that are begging the attention of our lawmakers and state creation is not one of those.

In ending today’s discourse, I will leave you with the admonition that came from Professor Attahiru Jega, a former Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), on the clamour for more states: ‘’I think the argument people can make is that perhaps it may bring government nearer to the people. But if you bring government nearer to the people and you do not improve governance in terms of how it addresses their needs and aspirations, what have you done? What have you achieved? And if you create states and the resources are not available for people to actually, or rather the governance structure is such that the resources, as little as they are, cannot be managed well, again, you don’t address the problem. What people need is for their lives and aspirations to be improved. And it can only be improved through good governance. And it is only good governance, regardless of the number of states, that can manage resources well, that can be creative to generate additional resources, and then to be able to use them efficiently and effectively to meet people’s needs and aspirations. But splitting the states, to be honest, to me, will not solve the problem. As we have seen from the history in Nigeria, the more states you create, the more you get demands for the creation of more states.”

See you next week.

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Mr Ogbonnaya Orji, the Executive Secretary of the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, NEITI, stated this on Monday in Abuja.

He spoke at the 2025 budget defence session organised by the House of Representatives Committee on Petroleum Resources (Upstream).

Orji revealed that NEITI was collaborating with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, to recover the funds into government coffers.

The executive secretary noted that, according to the 2020 and 2021 reports, over $3.7 billion was recovered into government coffers as outstanding liabilities from companies operating in the sector.

He explained that NEITI was established to promote transparency and accountability in the Nigerian oil and gas, as well as the mining sector.

Orji said the agency had been allocated a budget of N6.5 billion for the 2025 financial year, comprising N2.220 billion for personnel, N1.722 billion for overhead, and N2.575 billion for capital projects.

Orji outlined some of the critical activities to be undertaken in the year.

They include conducting industry reports on the oil, gas, and mining sector, as well as fiscal allocation and statutory disbursement audits.

He added that research studies would be conducted on the actual volume of PMS consumed in Nigeria.

According to him, it will also indicate the economic impact of energy transition, and a national perception survey of EITI implementation in Nigeria.

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During the budget defence session, Rep. Kafilat Ogbara (APC-Lagos) emphasised the need for government agencies to ensure that their budget proposals complied with the specified line items.

She expressed concern over the N32 million allocated for meals in the 2025 budget, stating that it was excessive, especially during a time of economic hardship.

“Most of our agencies should ensure that what they are bringing as budget proposal must actually tally with the line item and the purpose why you want to use such funds.

“Let us not just see budget defence as, ‘the money is there and we should share it. So, let us see how to get our own share,’” she said.

Rep. Ademorin Kuye (APC-Lagos) also stressed the importance of considering the economic situation in the country when preparing the annual budget.

He noted that the public perceived the National Assembly as a rubber stamp that approved anything presented by government agencies.

The chairman of the committee, Rep. Alhassan Doguwa, faulted the language used in the budget preparation.

He also faulted the inclusion of the National Assembly as beneficiaries of the agency’s welfare package.

Doguwa emphasised that the committee’s primary concern was the welfare of the Nigerian people.

He said the agencies must be mindful of their expenditure of public resources.

“While I agree that the budget stops at our desk and you are just presenting a proposal, I will like to say that the economy is actually bad.

“The population of people for whom we are actually here are crying out. Agencies of government must be mindful of what they spend out of public resources on.

“All these proposals are going to be spent at the expense of the Nigerian people.

“Sometimes, we come to make presentations here that sounds funny and very insultive in the eyes of the people.

“Especially, when you say in your projection things like welfare package in form of ex-gratia, health insurance, welfare packages to staff and some critical stakeholders,” he said.

Doguwa, however, assured the committee’s readiness to support the agency in actualising its mandate.

“Your agency is a critical one and the legislature is appreciative of the work that you are doing,” he said.

Source: NAN

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President Tinubu also dispatched a similar letter to the House of Representatives.

In the letters addressed today to both the Senate President Godswill Akpabio and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, President Tinubu sought Oluyede’s confirmation in accordance with the provision of Section 218(2) of the 1999 Constitution as amended and Section 18(1) of the Armed Forces Act.

President Tinubu appointed Oluyede as the Acting Chief of Army Staff on October 30 following the illness of Lieutenant General Taoreed Lagbaja.

General Lagbaja, however, died on 5 November.

President Tinubu is confident about the leadership qualities,  professional integrity, and experience of Lt. General Oluyede to lead and inspire the army to ensure national security and stability.

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Before he was appointed Acting Chief of Army Staff, Oluyede, a member of the 39th Regular Course, like his predecessor, served as the 56th Commander of the elite Infantry Corps of the Nigerian Army, based in Jaji, Kaduna.

He was commissioned a second lieutenant in 1992, effective from 1987.

He rose to Major-General in September 2020.

Since his commissioning as an officer, Oluyede has held many command positions.

He was Platoon Commander and adjutant at 65 Battalion, Company Commander at 177 Guards Battalion, Staff Officer in the Guards Brigade, and Commandant of the Amphibious Training School.

General Oluyede participated in several operations, including the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group, ECOMOG, Mission in Liberia, Operation HARMONY IV in Bakassi, and Operation HADIN KAI in the North East theatre of operations, where he commanded 27 Task Force Brigade.

For his meritorious service in various fields of operations, he has earned many honours, including the Corps Medal of Honour, the Grand Service Star, Passing the Staff Course, and Membership in the National Institute.

Others are the Field Command Medal, the Field Command Medal of Honour, and the Field Training Medal.

Oluyede also received the coveted Chief of Army Staff Commendation Award.

He is married and has three children.

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Lawan who served his term in Kuje Correctional Centre was convicted and sentenced in 2021 for accepting a $500,000 bribe from Mr. Femi Otedola, then chairman of Zenon Petroleum and Gas Limited, in what was a sting operation from the businessman.

Recall that the former legislator was the chairman of the House of Representatives ad hoc committee which probed the multi-billion naira petrol subsidy fraud in 2012.

Upon the completion of his term, Lawan announced his freedom on Tuesday in a statement he issued.

Lawan expressed gratitude to God, family and friends for their support.

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He declared that his freedom marked the beginning of a new chapter in his life.

The statement reads:

“I thank the Almighty Allah – Hon Farouk Lawan”

“Alhamdulillah

“Alhamdulillah

“Alhamdulillah

“Today marks the beginning of a new chapter in my life as I step out of Kuje Custodial Centre, with a heart full of gratitude to Allah SWT for seeing me through this trial.

“My gratitude is deep, I’m alive and in good health and high spirits to be with my family, friends and associates. I don’t take that for granted.

“I remain grateful and indebted to my family and friends who stood by me through this particularly trying phase of my life.

“May Allah SWT bless you.”

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