By KAZEEM AKINTUNDE
The title of this piece was influenced by the book written in 1972 by Walter Rodney titled ‘’How Europe Underdeveloped Africa”. In the book, which became a Bible of sorts for those who are interested in studying African development and post-colonial theory, he detailed how Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial masters. Rodney argued that a combination of power politics and economic exploitation of Africa by Europeans led to the poor state of Africa’s political and economic development.
According to Rodney, European exploitation through the Transatlantic Slave Trade and colonialism intentionally hindered Africa’s development while fuelling Europe’s own economic rise. Rodney also believed that Africa was not ‘’primitive’’, but was integrated into a global system where its resources and labour were extracted for European benefit, leading to dependency and the suppression of indigenous Africa progress. This, he noted, caused a decline in Africa’s population, a narrowing of its economic activities, and the destruction of its internal trade and development pathways.
While I do not have any doubt that European countries, through colonialism, stunted the growth and development of African countries, my worry stems from the fact that most African nations gained independence from their colonial masters in the 1960s; that is, 65 years ago. In fact, the last African country, Namibia, that gained independence from its colonial master, South Africa, did so in 1990.
The pertinent question, then is, what has African leaders done in the last 65 years to reverse the ugly narrative and bring Africa back on the track of growth and development? While Europe extracted Africa’s resources and labour to build its own wealth – a process that started with the slave trade and continue through colonialism – has African leaders not continued on the ruinous path by deliberately stealing their countries’ wealth to hide in the same Europe and America?
While Rodney argued that the Transatlantic Slave Trade crippled Africa by removing millions of people from the continent, are there not thousands of Africans who are desperately trying to move to Europe on a daily basis till date, even when all is being done by host countries to deter them? If colonial rule imposed economic structures designed to benefit Europe, forcing Africans to grow cash crops for export instead of food for themselves and suppressing indigenous technological and economic advancement, what have we, as a continent done in the last 65 years to reverse the trend?
Ironically, most African countries are being held down by their leaders, who are more like parasites on their own people, stunting the development of their countries. Just last week, Paul Biya of Cameroon, at 92 years of age, and after 42 years in power, holding the record as the world’s oldest sitting President, was announced as the winner of another sham presidential election, bagging another eight-year mandate. What that means is that Biya would remain in power until he is nearly 100 years old, making the Presidency look less a democratic office but a personal estate. His continued reign in power is not only a grim testament to the tragedy of Cameroon but also a mirror reflecting the broader African tragedy of sit-tight rulers who have turned public office into a retirement home and the democratic process into a mockery.
Since 1982, he has presided over a country where political dissent is ruthlessly silenced, press freedom muzzled, and any hint of democratic renewal strangled at birth. Cameroon’s political scene has not changed in decades because it has been systemically denied the oxygen of change. It is not lost on anyone, not even Biya’s dwindling number of supporters, that this presidential run for office is not about service but about power: power for its own sake. It is power, not as a means to transform society, but as a means to prolong one’s personal relevance in a country crying out for leadership, vision, and generational renewal. As expected, there have been pockets of protests since the announcement was made and several citizens of Cameroon have paid the ultimate price as a result.
Indeed, Biya is not alone in this African tragedy. He belongs to the inglorious club of sit-tight rulers who believe that they alone are destined to govern till death or nature intervenes. From Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema to Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni, and until recently, Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, Africa has been plagued by a leadership class that equates longevity in office with accomplishment. Yet, history shows otherwise. Prolonged tenure in Africa’s presidential palaces rarely delivers progress. It breeds complacency, corruption, nepotism, and violent suppression of opposition.
Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea has ruled his country since 1993. Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti since 1999, Faure Gnassingbé of Togo since 2005, and Alassane Ouattara of Ivory Coast since 2010. Most of these leaders tinkered with the constitution of their countries on term limits to remain in power. This sets a bad precedent and provokes divisions.
It is important to recognize that not all of Africa suffers from “bad leaders”. Countries like Botswana and Mauritius have been successful in promoting good governance and fighting corruption.
Cameroon today is a vivid case study. Under Biya, the country has seen its Anglophone regions descend into violent conflict, its economy stagnated under decades of mismanagement, and its democratic institutions reduced to ceremonial rubber stamps. What began as a promising post-independence Republic has been transformed into a personalized monarchy in all but name. The justification for these endless reigns is often wrapped in the language of “stability” — as though without these aging patriarchs, their nations would crumble. But stability without accountability is not governance; it is stagnation. Cameroon’s real challenge today is not instability caused by political change, but instability caused by the suffocation of change.
In 2008, Biya’s party, Rassemblement Democratique du Peuple Cameroonais, engineered a constitutional amendment that abolished a two-term presidential limit. Gabon did a similar thing in 2003 to make Omar Bongo President for life. He died of cardiac arrest after ruling from 1967 to 2009. His son, Ali Bongo Ondimba, succeeded him and had sought a third term in office in the Presidential election held on August 26, 2023. The election was greatly flawed. The military overthrew him shortly after his declaration as winner on August 30, 2023. This marked the end of the dynasty of the Bongo family that lasted for 56 years. With this trend, Africa is stuck in a cycle of redundancy.
Despite having the youngest population globally, the continent has not encouraged its youth to assume leadership roles. In contrast, Jacinda Ardern became the 40th Prime Minister of New Zealand at 37. In January, 2023, she resigned from office, saying she no longer had “enough in the tank” to do the work. Emmanuel Macron of France became President at 39.
Again, last week, Alassane Ouattara was declared the winner of the presidential election in Ivory Coast by a landslide. According to provisional results announced by the Independent Electoral Commission (CIE), the 83-year-old won a fourth term as Head of the West African country with 89.77% or 3.75 million votes.
Ouattara ran against four lesser-known candidates after the opposition heavyweights Laurent Gbagbo and Tidjane Thiam were barred from contesting. But those who appeared on the ballot – the former First Lady, Simone Gbagbo, and three former Ministers – Jean-Louis Billon, Ahoua Don Mello, and Henriette Lagou Adjoua – were unable to make headway. The result trumps Ouattara’s winning margins in his previous three victories, including his 2015 win when he secured 83% of the vote. Lagou Adjoua, who also contested in 2015, improved her previous record of 0.89% by getting 1.15%.
Barring any surprise from the Constitutional Council, the octogenarian, who has been in office since 2011, will again lead the world’s largest cocoa producer until 2030. Although Ouattara has supervised high economic growth rates and vast infrastructural development, he has been accused of crony capitalism and a clampdown on opposition to his rule.
The situation in Tanzania is becoming tense on a daily basis. Last week, when it held a presidential election which saw President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s two biggest challengers excluded from the race, angry citizens and rights groups took to the streets in protest. Despite the internet blackout, protesters continued to organise on the Zello app, discussing the possible marches on government buildings. Roads across the country were blocked, while several shops and malls were looted. Another beautiful country in turmoil, no thanks to Africa’s poor leadership culture.
There are several African countries where the military have sacked constitutionally elected governments. The Khaki boys are now in charge in countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Sudan, Chad, and Gabon. Even here in Nigeria, there have been rumours of a coup, with several military personnel under investigation. Military intervention in governance has never been for the benefit of those nations. It has always been an exercise where the boys line their pockets, just like their civilian counterparts.
Why is a continent so blessed with both human and natural resources rife with citizens who wallow in abject poverty? Some have alluded to what they termed: “resource curse” – which is the paradox of countries with abundant natural resources having less economic growth. Africa remains the continent with the least literacy rate in the world. It is the continent with the highest number of out-of-school children, with the highest child maternal mortality rate, and the place where most women still die during childbirth due to factors such as political instability, weak governance structure, poverty, corruption, and a lack of equitable distribution of wealth.
Again, with weak institutions and lack of consequences for their actions and inactions, some leaders embezzle public funds and serve their own interests with little fear of being held accountable. Also, foreign powers and multinational corporations often exert neocolonial influence by exploiting African natural resources through partnerships with corrupt leaders. This entrenches the corrupt status quo by undermining democratic processes and national development goals.
It is important to recognize that not all of Africa suffers from “bad leaders”. Countries like Botswana and Mauritius have been successful in promoting good governance and fighting corruption. This shows that leadership quality varies greatly across the continent and that poor governance is not a universal constant. However, we cannot continue to blame others for our mistakes. Perhaps, we need to tinker with our leadership recruitment processes. We need young and vibrant leaders who know their right from left and have the burning desire for servant leadership.
Rodney’s book may be relevant in the 20th century, but it is time for us to start examining his theories in relation to how African leaders are under-developing their own continent. It is by so doing that we will begin the process of identifying what went wrong with us and our existing systems and start putting in place measures to rectify those flaws. Perhaps, we need a sequel to Rodney’s book: ‘How African Leaders Architect Africa’s Misfortune’.
See you next week.
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