Bappa, who is the 13th prosecution witness (PW-13), told Justice Emeka Nwite while being cross examined by the defence counsel, Joseph Daudu, SAN, in the ongoing alleged money laundering trial against the ex-governor.

The witness, who said he is an estate surveyor and facility manager, admitted that he only knew the former governor as a public figure, not in relation to the property transaction before the court.

Earlier, the prosecution lawyer, Kemi Pinhero, SAN, during the examination-in-chief, asked the witness to tell the court what he knew about a property on Plot 739, Aminu Kano Crescent, Wuse II, Abuja also known as Citi Scape Sharriff Plaza.

Responding, the witness said: “Plot 739, Aminu Kano Crescent is a plaza and number 13 is a shop in the plaza.”

When asked whether he knew Ali Bello, Bappa said he was one of those who came to make enquiries in the plaza and that he indicated interest in one of the shops.

After making payment, the PW-13 said a shop was allocated to him.

“He paid an initial deposit of N40 million. Later he paid the balance of N26 million, including agency fees.

“A receipt was issued to him and he was allocated Shop B13,” he added.

During cross-examination, the witness said he had not met Ali Bello before until he came to make the enquiry.

He also stated that he had given similar evidence in another court but could not recall which court it was.

The PW-12, Jamilu Abdullahi, who was cross examined by Daudu earlier, told the court that he could not remember the evidence he gave in a similar matter before Justice Obiora Egwuatu of the Federal High Court.

“Look at Page 32 of your testimony before Justice Egwuatu. The question was put to you that you don’t know the source of the money for the payment of the school fees and you answered, “No, I don’t know the source,” Daudu said.

Responding, the witness confirmed that he had seen what he said on Page 32 of his testimony before Justice Egwuatu.

“Is that your testimony before this court?” the lawyer asked.

“It was a very long time. I cannot remember,” the witness responded.

The witness was then told to look at Exhibit 33(6), Page 1 and confirm that those were the account opening documents for E-Traders International Limited.

He confirmed the documents, adding that the company belonged to him and that he was the sole signatory to the account.

When Exhibit 37 was presented to the witness, he also confirmed being the owner of Kumfayakum Global Limited.

At that point, the EFCC’s counsel, Pinheiro, cut in, saying the question was completely irrelevant.

“My Lord, this is completely irrelevant,” he said.

Daudu, however, told the court that the prosecution’s conduct was unacceptable.

Justice Nwite, then, told the prosecution counsel that he could not teach the defence how to conduct their own case.

The witness was then taken through Page 72 of Exhibit 37, where the registered line of business was recorded as “sales and supply of office equipment and stationery.”

He was also told to show the court, in Exhibits 33(6) and 37, where it was said, in the account opening package, that the money he would be bringing into the bank would be from Bureau de Change, BDC, business.

The witness responded that he could not be sure of the genuineness of the document.

“Those parts where you said you carry out general merchandise and sales of stationery and office equipment in the document tendered by the prosecution, do you consider those ones genuine?” Daudu asked again.

“No, until I confirm from the CAC (Corporate Affairs Commission),” the witness responded, adding that the handwritten part of the account opening document looked different from his handwriting.

He said alternatively, he could confirm the genuineness of the handwritten part of the document through the statement he made to the EFCC.

“Show us in those two documents where you informed the bank that you are a BDC operator,” the defence counsel asked the witness.

Responding, he said he could not be sure whether he informed the bank or not.

“Is there anything, whether handwritten or typed, in those two exhibits where it is indicated that you run a BDC business?” Daudu asked.

“My lord, the documents before me are bulky, I need time to go and study them,” the witness responded.

When asked whether he was a licensed BDC operator or not, he said, “I am a licensed BDC operator. I am a director and you can confirm that through the CBN.”

He, however, said that he could not recall when his licence was issued or whether the licence was part of the documents he submitted to the bank.

Abdullahi confirmed, however, that his BDC licence was not part of the documents before the court.

The PW-12 confirmed that, from his extra-judicial statement before the EFCC, there was nowhere he told the commission that he was a licensed BDC operator.

He said that could have escaped his mind when he was writing the statement.

Abdullahi denied the claim that he must have left that part out of the statement because he did not want the EFCC to charge him for running an unlicensed BDC.

The defendant’s counsel argued that the witness could not deal with inflows or make transfer to other entities in foreign currency because he was not licensed to operate as a BDC company.

“That was why you contracted it out to your friends,” the lawyer said.

But the witness said he contracted it out because of the volume of transactions.

“For other smaller transactions that we did that were not beyond my capacity and Nigerian transaction limit, we handled them through the Nigerian bank accounts,” he stated.

He also confirmed that the three accounts – his personal account, E-Trader, and KumfayaKum – which were before the court, were naira-denominated accounts.

Another witness, Shehu Bello, was called as PW14 by the prosecution.

He said he was a real estate agent and commodity trader.

He recalled that the EFCC had, sometime in 2023, invited him with regard to Ali Bello, whom he described as his friend.

He said he had done business with Ali Bello in the past too in commodity and property business.

On the property on Plot 1773, Guzape District, Abuja, the witness said he bought it for himself and sold it to Ali Bello.

The witness also said one Farouk Bello told him to get two properties that he could buy at the time, in Wuse Zone 4 and Maitama.

He said the owner of the property that was bought by Farouk Bello was Chief Nwora of Efab Properties.

Justice Nwite adjourned the case until May 7 for continuation of evidence of the PW-14.

Source: NAN

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“You better not go nuts – in your own interest! Your going nuts changes nothing. What gan-gan is your problem?”

“My problem or our problem? See the way you talk as if you are not affected by what is happening!”

“For your information, I have developed a thick skin about happenings around me…”

“Even in a country that many have described as the…”

“Whatever they like, let them describe it! Do you still remember the Ajegunle musician called Daddy Showkey?”

“Oh my goodness! You like trivializing serious matters! Why Ajegunle and its ragged musicians in a serious matter like…?”

”When a situation jaga-jaga like we have in the country today, you must take solace in musicians like Daddy Showkey and Eedris Abdulkareem: ‘Nigeria jaga-jaga/Everything scatter-scatter/Poor man dey suffer-suffer.’ However, Eedris (2004) and Showkey (2011) came before their time.”

“What do you mean?”

“Nigeria never really jaga-jaga when Eedris sang his song. And if Showkey is still in Ajegunle or wherever, ask him to sing that song again: ‘If you see my Mama/Hossana/Tell am say o/Hosanna/I dey for Lagos/Hosanna/I no geti problem/Hosanna.’”

“I see! Where in Nigeria today can anyone say he no get am for flenty-flenty froblem? If you must pay before hanging solar in your house…”

“Ooooh! It’s like we keep jumping from frying pan into fire, like Atiku, Obi and Kwankwaso appear to be doing. Sometimes, we weep before we see cry, as they say. Things don’t get better here. Today’s worst era may become the golden age of tomorrow.”

“Pessimism of the highest order! You don’t think we should plead with Tinubu to take pity on Atiku and Obi? How can we possibly continue like this?”

“Tinubu does not look like someone who will repeat the same mistake Atiku made in 2003 when he cornered Obasanjo but let him off the hook. Leave the political gladiators alone. As for you, develop a thick skin to whatever is happening around you to keep your sanity intact. Otherwise…”

“Otherwise wetin? If things are not going well and we cannot do anything about it – and still we cannot talk about it, what, then, is the very essence of living?”

“First of all, you have to outlive things that seek to pai you so that you can tell the story yourself. To do that, you need to understand that many of our leaders don’t care if they pai all of us for as long as the resources are there for them and those around them to enjoy…”

“That is another level of pessimism! Without a people, there can be no rulers…”

“Oh, so you don’t know that wicked rulers prefer to rule over the living dead? That is why they weaponize poverty…”

“No, no, no! You have hijacked and diverted this discussion! My interest is why the people leaving the Tinubu administration are not the real ones we want out of the way…”

“En-hen? You mean people like who?”

“Amupitan, of course! For goodness sake, why is Amupitan not leaving? Why?”

“Simple! Because it makes no sense for him to leave!”

“How do you mean? With all the outcry against his continued stay in office? With all the evidence pointing to his partiality…”

“Listen! When Amupitan is removed, the same Tinubu will appoint a replacement; or is it Atiku or Obi that will appoint a replacement?”

“No!”

“And the new person must be a Nigerian. The same National Assembly will screen and confirm him. We are not bringing someone from the Moon. An angel is not descending from heaven to occupy the position. At the end of the day, Amupitan’s replacement, if Tinubu ever listens to you guys, may even be worse than Amupitan. Ever heard of the saying: The devil you know…”

“So, we are helpless and our situation is hopeless in an administration that wears RENEWED HOPE like a badge?”

“Not really! My take is that it will be hard – almost impossible – to find an informed Nigerian without an opinion on the politics of this country. What is needed is to ensure that whoever is put in any position rises above his personal views and opinions to act impartially, without fear or favour, and regardless whose ox is gored.”

“I see!”

“That is why they take oath of allegiance and oath of office. It is when a public officer fails to live up to the oath that he can be dragged…”

“And you think Amupitan has not breached his oath of office of impartiality…”

“He still has the cover of the law. Technicalities will kill the judiciary if care is not taken.  These days, there is hardly any pronouncement of the courts that is not interpreted either way, causing confusion everywhere…”

“And you think that will not affect the 2027 elections?”

“Of course it will! The confusion is with us already. The conflicting judgments on the Labour Party, the confusing judgments on the PDP; the complicated judgments on ADC…”

”But, tell me, why have our courts become like this?”

“Signs of the times! And you should expect things to get worse because we are in the season of long knives…”

“What is the meaning of that?”

“Elections are fast approaching and politics here always makes the entire polity look like a forest of a thousand demons. ‘Igbo Odaju. Igbo Oju Olomo o to’! Where I come from, they will also say the cocoa season of those concerned has arrived.”

“And what has cocoa got to do with it?”

“Cocoa farming being the main occupation of the people, the season when they harvest and sell their cocoa beans is when they reap bountiful harvest…”

“I see! So election time is the cocoa season of some people? But where do long knives come in?”

“Ah-aa? Did you not just say some people were leaving the government?”

“Yes, yes, yes! Finance Minister, Power Minister, Foreign Affairs, Housing, Humanitarian Affairs ministers…”

“Oooh! Some are leaving because they have been stabbed in the back – long knives. Their territories have been cornered by smarter dudes. Others are leaving to seek higher office and greener pasture…”

“Which office is higher than that of a Minister of the Federal Republic?”

“You must be a novice! A state governor is higher than a Minister; even a senator is higher than a Minister…”

“I don’t understand! In fact, I don’t agree! Some Grade A ministries, as they are called, are even more juicy than some state governments put together.”

“Maybe in the past; not any longer, especially with the humongous amounts the states collect these days from the Federation Account. A Minister answers to layers of authority above him; governors don’t. To make matters worse, the economic crunch has meant measly allocations to Ministries… ”

“Is that so?”

“Yes! If votes are approved for your ministry but actual funds are not released, like we have heard is the case, what can a Minister do? But allocations from the Federation Account must land in states from Abuja every month without fail. The monthly security votes of some state governors trump the yearly budgetary allocation of some so-called Grade A ministries put together.”

“I see! So that is why Ministers are emptying themselves into the governorship race, including those who failed miserably as ministers? Why seek a higher office if you failed in a lesser office? Or are you saying someone who failed miserably as Power minister will succeed as a state governor?”

“It depends! Did you care to take a look at the state in question and the pedigree of the would-be governorship aspirant?”

“I don’t understand!”

“You better do! The man in question has a pedigree you cannot fault. Ever heard of Penkelemesi? That is the alias of his grandfather, who was street-wise and an orator of no mean repute. He spoke an English that Ibadan never forgot. ‘What a peculiar mess!’ became Penkelemesi!”

“You don’t mean it! So ‘Peculiar mess’ is what they turned into Penkelemesi? I also heard that it was ‘Too Dirty’ that became Kudeti. Was he the one who spoke that grammar as well?”

“I don’t know about that! The politics of that place is not for the ‘akada’ or ‘turenchi’ people. Even if you are educated, you must have a commensurate dose of ‘Baba-nla were’ to stand a chance…”

“You mean ‘were’ as in real madness?

“Beeni! Penkelemesi apart, the political juggernaults of that place include Richard Akinjide aka Mr. Twelve-two-thirds; AMA Akinloye of the specially-imported champagne fame of the NPN ruinous era; the ‘eccentric’ Dr. Omololu Olunloyo; Busari Adelakun aka Eruobodo and the Oga Pata-pata of them all, Lamidi Adedibu, the Generalissimo of Ibadan politics. He was so crowned by no less a personality than a sitting president, retired Gen. Olusegun Olusegun…”

“But didn’t Ibadan also suffer from the incessant blackout that signposted the tenure of the erstwhile Power minister?”

“That may not matter if he can re-enact the Penkelemesi oratorical magic, reinstate Adedibu’s amala, ewedu and gbegiri politics; and crown it all with a large dose of the ‘Boo’le-k’a-ja’ madness that makes Ibadan politics unique…”

“Impossible!”

“Impossible wetin? The man has started already! He has been spotted controlling traffic on Ibadan roads! That is where the madness begins !”

“Akika!”

*Bolawole (turnpot@gmail.com 0807 552 5533), former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of the Westerner newsmagazine. He writes the “ON THE LORD’S DAY” column in the Sunday Tribune and “TREASURES” column in the New Telegraph newspapers. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

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Your Excellency,

The recent escalation of targeted violence against Nigerians residing in the Republic of South Africa presents not merely a humanitarian concern, but a direct test of Nigeria’s constitutional and moral obligation to protect its citizens beyond its borders.

What is unfolding is neither new nor isolated. It is a recurring pattern documented, predictable, and increasingly emboldened by the absence of decisive and sustained consequences. Nigerians in South Africa today face an environment defined by fear, uncertainty, and vulnerability. Businesses are threatened, livelihoods disrupted, and lives placed at risk in cycles that repeat with disturbing regularity.

This situation, Your Excellency, has moved beyond episodic xenophobic outbursts. It now reflects a structural failure of protection – one that requires a structured and immediate state response.

Nigeria cannot afford to respond in fragments to a recurring crisis.

At its core, this is a question of state capacity and credibility. When Nigerian citizens are persistently exposed to violence abroad without visible and effective protection, it sends a troubling signal, not only to those affected, but to the broader international community; about the reach and resolve of the Nigerian state.

It is therefore imperative that this matter be addressed with urgency, clarity, and measurable action.

To this end, I respectfully propose the following:

Immediate Diplomatic Engagement:

Initiate high-level bilateral discussions with the South African government, with clearly defined timelines and outcomes focused on the protection of Nigerian nationals.

Protection Framework:

Establish a joint Nigeria/South Africa mechanism for the protection of citizens, including rapid response protocols in identified hotspots.

Accountability Measures:

Insist on the identification, arrest, and prosecution of perpetrators involved in recent and past attacks, ensuring that impunity is not allowed to persist.

Consular Strengthening:

Reinforce Nigeria’s diplomatic and consular presence to provide real-time support, coordination, and communication with affected Nigerians.

Periodic Public Briefings:

Provide transparent updates to Nigerians on actions taken, progress achieved, and further steps being pursued.

Your Excellency, this is not a call for confrontation, but for responsibility. The protection of citizens, whether within or beyond national borders; remains one of the most fundamental obligations of any government.

The recurrence of these incidents suggests that prior engagements, while well-intentioned, have not sufficiently altered the conditions that enable such violence. A more deliberate, sustained, and accountable approach is now required.

Nigeria and South Africa share deep historical ties, rooted in solidarity and mutual support during difficult periods in our continent’s history. It is precisely because of this relationship that the current situation demands careful but firm intervention one that preserves diplomatic relations while safeguarding human dignity.

The lives and livelihoods of Nigerians abroad must not be left to cycles of reaction and silence.

A nation’s strength is not only measured by its internal order, but by its willingness and ability to stand for its citizens wherever they may be.

This moment calls for that resolve.

e-signed

Lanre Ogundipe

Former President, Nigeria and Africa Union of Journalists.

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Koko:  Sick people.

Kaka: What kind of men leave their so-called businesses to watch women’s breasts and buttocks?

Koko:  Sex-starved, sex-deprived men who are not really busy.

Kaka: You mean those who do those things are really not well, and uncivilised?

Koko:  Trust me, they need all kinds of therapy and mind resets. I know, Kaka, I saw that video. A Nigerian woman, stripped of dignity, assaulted in broad daylight. Not in a war zone. Not in a red light district. The kind of violence we see these days belittles our morals and demeans us all.

Kaka: At first, I thought it happened in South Africa.

Koko: Oh no, whatever it is that ails South Africa is not that bad yet. Their cold is not yet Covid. It would have sat in the mouth like bitter kola.

Kaka: But those shameless lazy bones are okada riding blacks stripping women naked, forcing their legs open, in search of God-knows-what, and filming it.

Koko: Other people’s wives o.

Kaka: Those women have children, parents, siblings.

Koko: And the sick men parked their ‘okada’ to watch the show of shame.

Kaka: Real shame of shameless people. But let’s not allow perverts to distract us from calling out evil doers who forgot their roots and helpers. Who would have thought a day would come when South Africans would turn to bite Nigeria with teeth we spent sweat and money to shape and sharpen?

Koko: It’s sad and Nigerians are asking: why? What have we done? Why are our children being cut down in their prime? Why are our promising sons being returned home in the cargo cabins of planes that flew them in premium cabins to Johannesburg? Why are our hard-earned businesses being destroyed by those we once called brothers? Are we the cause of everything that is wrong with South Africa?

Kaka: Ah! The eternal Nigerian question—what did we do wrong? As if a man must commit a crime before he is lynched.

Koko: In other words, we are being lynched just because we are not South Africans? They just hate our faces?

Kaka: Your faces are enough problem, really, along with your colourful lifestyle. However, seriously, this thing called xenophobia is a disease that has South Africa by the jugular.

Since the end of apartheid in 1994, xenophobic violence in South Africa has killed at least 669 people, displaced over 127,000, and led to the looting of thousands of businesses, according to Georgetown Journal

In just the first half of 2025, there were 26 recorded incidents and 14 deaths.

Koko: As we speak in 2026, reports confirm renewed attacks, including the killing of two Nigerians and widespread violence in cities like Pretoria and Durban. Killing Nigerians seems to have become a sporting event.

Kaka: Morbid sport by sick people.

Koko: And they have refused to seek help for the unfortunate recurring disease. 2008, 2015, 2019—each wave was worse than the last. Like malaria that refuses to die because the swamp is still there.

Koko: But why Nigerians? Why always us?

Kaka: Sit well. There are reasons. Not excuses—reasons. Let us start with economic frustration. South Africa is battling unemployment. Angry young men look around and see foreigners hustling, trading, surviving and conclude:

“They are taking our jobs.”

That narrative repeated like a broken record leaves them angry but at the wrong people.

Koko: South Africa needs a scapegoat, someone to blame for their malfunctioning polity.

When a country struggles, it needs a villain. Foreigners become the convenient enemy and are being blamed for economic woes.

Kaka: There is also the issue of stereotypes about Nigerians. Let’s not lie to ourselves.

Nigerians carry a reputation—some earned, many exaggerated.

Drug trafficking. Fraud. Flashy lifestyles.

Even when only a few are guilty, the whole community is branded.

Koko: I believe jealousy is another demon in the matter.

A Nigerian opens a shop, works 18 hours, including Sundays and public holidays and succeeds.

Next thing, the sons of the soil who slept till noon and went clubbing twice a week suddenly go green with envy.

“Burn his shop.”

“He is corrupt.”

“He stole my customers.”

“All of them should go back to their country.”

Suddenly, hard work becomes a vice and envious laziness becomes a virtue. South African would choose violence every day and twice on Sunday instead of learning how Nigerians’ resilience and hardworking ways.

Kaka: A nation elects leaders they do not like and the voters hold foreigners responsible for their bad choices. Then, the inhuman opportunistic politicians also blame the foreigners for their ineptitude.

They stir pots of trouble.

Anti-immigrant rhetoric is used as campaign slogans even as they increased tension because nothing wins votes like blaming outsiders.

Koko: That is like an impotent man blaming his noisy neighbour for his inability to walk with his third leg.

Kaka: Or a man with a small staff of office envying the strength and length of his more endowed brother. That is why they concoct misinformation and rumours to demarket and demonise everything Nigerian.

One minute, it is “Nigerians installed a king”, and boom, riots. How does a leader chosen by Nigerians to direct Nigerians’ affairs become other people’s headaches? We have not forced South Africans to worship at our shrines or prostrate before our kings. Why is our boil giving them pains?

Koko: But Nigerians sef! Must an endowed man fling and flaunt his endowment in the presence of a man struggling to satisfy his wife?

Kaka: Yeah, I heard that because of this famed endowment, some South African women have left their small-sized men for Nigerian men.

Koko: Women, do they not know that such choices can start a war?

Kaka: Well, now that they have started the war, everyone is suffering.

Koko: But I’m sure, there is more to this sickness than a Strait of Hormuz and who has the best ocean-going vessels.

Kaka: Nigerians don’t hide success. We spray it like perfume. When we ‘arrive ‘, nobody is left in doubt. We arrive with drums roll, aso ebi that announces established steeze.

In a struggling society, that attracts anger.

Koko: It’s not our fault that they don’t understand us. And we do not force our aso ebi on them. We are just different. Is being different a sin?

Kaka: There’s also the issue of poor integration. Some Nigerians form tight communities, speak their languages as if it is the host country’s lingua franca, speaking at the top of their voices and running their networks like cults.

To locals, that feels like:

“They came, but they didn’t join us. Instead, they are building another nation within our nation.”

Koko: For people who still have PTSD from Apartheid, that definitely will rile them up.

Kaka: Then there are the bad eggs who took their criminal minds along to other people’s domains. The big consequences are now haunting us all.

A few criminals can destroy the image of millions and Nigerians—let’s be honest—have produced some very smelly bad eggs abroad.

Kaka: There is also the way our can-do attitude is perceived as arrogance. Our confidence is our strength but to others, it can look like arrogance.

Koko: So, are you saying Nigerians are the cause of their own misfortunes?

Kaka: No. Don’t twist it.

There is no justification for violence, rape, or killing. Understanding cause is not excusing crime. The real problem is the festering disease called xenophobia.

It is even bigger than Nigerians.

Xenophobia in South Africa is described as “deep-rooted” across society—even institutions.

It is not just about strikes or mob actions. It is about a nation’s economic failure. It is about frustrated a people taking their anger out on others. It is about the identity crisis of a people who are not sure if they are fully Africans or half-white men.

Koko: Maybe the solution question is, should Nigerians not just leave that toxic space, pack their bags and come home?

Kaka:  No, it is not that simple. Those people are not there on vacation.

Many Nigerians in South Africa run businesses. Their children are in schools. They have dependants and families back home.

Leaving would mean starting life from zero. Though staying may mean continued risking their lives.

Koko: What about self-defence?

Kaka: Careful. The moment Nigerians retaliate violently, it becomes foreigners vs citizens war.

Guess who the big loser will be?

Not the mob. Not the politicians.

The foreigner.

The most realistic way out is stronger Nigerian diplomacy, legal protection, better community bond. Nigerians living in South Africa must document the abuses because silence can invite more violence.

Koko: Let’s come back to our own house.

Where is Abuja in all this?

Kaka: Abuja is summoning envoys, issuing statements and writing strongly-worded letters as usual but the time is ripe for reactions that are faster, louder, and stronger. We can no longer speak diplomatese at violence.

Koko: Otherwise, Nigerians abroad will feel abandoned?

Kaka: Exactly. A citizen without protection is like a goat tied in a lion’s den.

Koko: Whatever happened to “Africa for Africans”?

Kaka: That slogan started dying years ago. Today, it is fully dead. Each baby now must carry his mother’s breasts himself. Every man for himself, God for us all.

What we have now are borders in the mind, unhealthy competition in the stomach, fear in the heart even when asleep.

Pan-Africanism sounds sweet in speeches but on the streets, it is about survival of the angriest.

Koko: Let us hope this new pattern of s3xual assault, public stripping will not be added into the xenophobic mix before Nigeria does something to protect its own abroad.

Kaka: When a mob strips a woman, they are not just attacking her. They are saying:

“You are not human.”

It is the final stage of hatred.

Koko: So what do we do?

Kaka: There are four things we must do urgently. Nigeria must protect its citizens globally and I mean going beyond nice-sounding speeches.  South Africa must enforce law, not mouth excuses that sound like they are condoning this nauseating nonsense because impunity breeds repetition.

Nigerians abroad must be strategic by building alliances and avoid unnecessary exposure that is often mistaken for arrogance.

All Africans must confront this hypocrisy. We cannot shout  “down with colonialism” and still practise tribal hatred.

Koko: But seriously, Kaka, are Nigerians in South Africa doing something wrong?

Kaka: Some things, yes.

But nothing—nothing—justifies being hunted like animals.

Koko: Should they leave?

Kaka: Some will. Some can’t.

Koko: Should they fight?

Kaka: They must survive first.

Kaka (quietly): The real tragedy is not that foreigners are attacked. The tragedy is that Africans have learned to hate Africans with the efficiency of former oppressors. And that, Koko, is the most dangerous import we never paid for.

*Egbemode (egbemode3@gmail.com)

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They warned that the trend could accelerate institutional decline and erode academic standards.

The concern, first strongly articulated by Friday Okonofua of the University of Benin via a Social Media post, sparked debate within academic circles, with former university leaders cautioning that merit-based governance is being replaced by identity-driven considerations.

According to Okonofua, universities—historically designed as meritocratic institutions—are increasingly being turned into arenas where ethnic and regional affiliations influence leadership selection.

He warned that such a shift undermined the foundational principles of higher education and posed long-term risks to institutional integrity.

His position has been echoed by Prof. Olusola Bandele Oyewole, former Vice-Chancellor and Secretary-General of the Association of African Universities.

Oyewole described a governance environment in which corruption and vested interests had become deeply entrenched.

He recounted instances where governing council members allegedly sought personal benefits from contracts, noting that resistance to such pressures often led to project delays and institutional pushback.

“The system appears to reward compromise while penalizing integrity,” he suggested, highlighting the constraints faced by Vice-Chancellors who attempted to operate independently.

Similarly, Prof. Idowu Olayinka, former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan, pointed to the normalization of identity politics within academia.

He cited the emergence of informal “turn-by-turn” arrangements in some institutions, where leadership positions rotate among regions or groups irrespective of merit.

Olayinka also referenced personal experiences during leadership contests, where support was reportedly tied to ethnic or faculty considerations rather than competence.

Analysts say such practices risk institutionalizing mediocrity within systems traditionally expected to uphold excellence.

Adding to the debate, Prof. Olukayode Oladipo Amund, former Vice-Chancellor of Elizade University, argued that professional qualifications alone were increasingly insufficient for leadership selection.

He suggested that alignment with influential networks often determined outcomes, raising concerns about the erosion of transparent governance.

Collectively, these perspectives point to a system where Vice-Chancellors may assume office with obligations to interest groups, potentially limiting their autonomy and shaping institutional priorities. Observers warn that such dynamics could weaken collaboration, reduce trust, and fragment universities along ethnic or political lines.

Education experts note that global institutions such as Harvard University continue to adopt merit-driven leadership models, focusing on competence and strategic vision. By contrast, Nigeria risks creating institutions that are locally influenced but globally uncompetitive.

Beyond governance, stakeholders say the trend sends troubling signals to students. If leadership appointments are perceived to be based on identity rather than merit, it could diminish the value of hard work and academic excellence, with broader societal implications.

As debates continue, analysts emphasize that Nigeria’s universities remain central to national development, producing the skilled workforce and innovations needed for economic growth.

They warn that failure to address governance challenges could have far-reaching consequences for the country’s future.

The emerging consensus among stakeholders is that urgent reforms are required to restore meritocracy, transparency, and accountability in university leadership appointments—before what some describe as a creeping crisis becomes irreversible.

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The post Ethnic bias threatens Nigerian universities, senior academics warn appeared first on Frontpageng.

They called you the king. Everywhere you go, they bow at your feet. The last time you went on AWOL, the country was on steroids. Your opponent, what is its name again? E-payment. Yes, she could not withstand the frenzy. She was overwhelmed. Overpowered. There was commotion everywhere. Everywhere. Madam Cash, when you finally emerged from your hiatus, there was a sigh of relief.

In the open market, everybody loves you. You are the messiah. You are the preferred One. At the open market, you are the one. In the banking hall, the tellers hold you in high esteem. The shoppers who hugged you like a second skin received prompt service. The bus drivers are thrilled to see you. At the gas station, you run the gas pump.

At the nightclub, you are the heartbeat. At the border towns, ah, you are the alpha and omega. You rule their world. In the commercial bus, without you, there is no commute. At the mom-and-pop stores, you are the solution provider. At the owambe party, you are the soul of the party. At the PoS merchant point, you are a god!

On the one hand

Be careful, Madam Cash. Your existence is under threat. There is a gang out to cut you to size. Reduce your territory. Take over your command. Water your influence. They are out to make you a persona non grata. They want to keep you at bay. They want to make you irrelevant. For instance, when was the last time anyone made a cash payment at the gas station? Did you notice it, Madam Cash?

On the other hand

Writing in Brookings.edu, Eswar Prasad, Senior Fellow, Global Economy and Development, explained that some people still prefer to use cash. That is because they like the tactile nature of physical currency. Because it provides confidentiality in transactions. But e-payment, made with the swipe of a card or a few taps on a smartphone, has become a threat. Madam Cash, a university lecturer, has written about your influence. That is not the end of the story. Here is another story that threatens your existence.

In the long term

Media reports have shown that many central banks are experimenting with digital versions of their currencies. This is to make their currencies relevant. These currencies are virtual. Like Bitcoin. However, unlike Bitcoin, which is a private enterprise, they are issued by the state and function much like traditional currencies. Do you remember e-Naira by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Madam Cash?

The central banks have introduced these digital currencies for limited circulation. The currencies exist alongside cash as another monetary option. This idea is to help the banks broaden their circulation over time. Gain popularity. Push cash away. Madam, did you read that sentence? Push cash away. The threat of electronic payment is real, Madam. How would you handle it?

Research has shown that China, Japan, and Sweden have launched digital currencies. Ditto the Bank of England. European Central Bank. The Bahamas has already rolled out the world’s first official digital currency. Madam, do you think the end of cash is on the horizon? There will be threats. Yes, you will overcome, Madam.

Do you know why? Some countries will not roll out digital currency. I eavesdropped on a fellow saying cash is vulnerable to loss and theft. That digital currency is relatively secure. I told the fellow about electronic hacking. When another electronic-payment influencer shouted that digital currency benefits the poor and the unbanked. I promptly told her that millions of the unbanked love cash.

Another proponent of digital payment said digital currency would slow illegal activities of money laundering and terrorism financing. I shouted at him that cash would find a way where there is no way. After all, it is a matter of cash.

In the short term

My friend, the end of cash is on the horizon. One drunken fellow punched the air. How can I quiet this drunk? I will send him a Ghana-must-go bag full of cash. Cash, the king will reign forever.

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Bloodbath looms. The digital militias are already mobilised, keyboards cocked, timelines mined and narratives weaponised. This will not be a civil contest of ideas. It never is. It will be a three-way fratricidal brawl dressed up as democracy.  For lovers of blood and gore, this is it!

Nigeria’s presidential politics triggers massive chemical imbalances in the brain, flooding it, scrambling it and turning otherwise rational people into high priests of their preferred candidate. Facts become negotiable and doubt becomes treason.

Every post is a sermon just as every thread is a battlefield. In the middle of all that noise sits an inconvenient rule that almost nobody observes, which I think is best captured by my remake of Daniel Dennet’s famous quote on religion. The rule? You do not get to advertise all the good your candidate represents without first scrupulously subtracting his obviously debilitating flaws. Not airbrushing them or explaining them away, but subtracting them.

The Obi devotees and the Tinubu worshippers are preparing for total war that would feature not just memes and vicious clapbacks, but character assassination, selective outrage, moral grandstanding and historical revisionism. Nothing will be off the table.

The temperature will rise with every news item or video clip. Outrage will be manufactured at scale. Each side will curate a version of reality where their candidate is a comic-book hero and saviour of humanity, while the opponent is a cartoon baddie and an existential threat in real time. The inconvenient truths will be buried under hashtags and applause.

I do not expect the Atiku camp to sit this one out quietly. They were relatively restrained in the last cycle. That restraint is gone. The implosion of the Obi-Kwankwaso flirtation with the ADC and their migration to the NDC have compromised Atiku’s prospects. That kind of setback breeds aggression that would see Melaye and and Buba Galadima, swap insults with abandon. Expect a sharper, meaner operation from an Atiku camp eager to prove relevance and reclaim ground.

Somewhere beneath the noise, the actual issues and the offices that quietly determine daily life, will struggle to be heard, like a whisper in a crowded room that has already chosen.

Then, there will be personal fallouts. Former allies will turn on each other with a zeal reserved for heretics. We have seen a hint of that with Datti on Obi. I expect some from the pathologically incontinent Kenneth Okonkwo. The language will be relentless and repetitive. Gaslight. Bigotry. Bigot. Betrayal. Betrayer. The last two will be used interchangeably.

All of this frenzy comes with a distortion that should worry anyone paying attention. The presidential race has swallowed the entire conversation. It is treated like the only election that matters, as if governors and  legislators at the federal and state levels are extras in the governance story. Well, they are not. They write budgets, shape policy, influence or control security at the local level, decide whether schools and hospitals function. A president, however high his quality is, will get nothing done without a capable supporting cast. I know there are people who think their candidates can turn water into Four Cousins. Such people are not just wrong, but stupid to boot. Reducing the other levels to footnotes while the presidential spectacle consumes the oxygen is foolish.

It is not just politics, but identity, grievance, ambition and ego colliding in public. The timelines will burn and the algorithms will feast. Somewhere beneath the noise, the actual issues and the offices that quietly determine daily life, will struggle to be heard, like a whisper in a crowded room that has already chosen.

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In separate letters read by the Deputy Speaker, Benjamin Kalu, at plenary, the members cited the ongoing leadership crisis in the ADC as reason for their actions.

Mr Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of Labour Party, LP, in 2023 general election and former Kano Governor, Dr Rabiu Kwankwaso had defected from ADC to the NDC last Sunday, citing internal crisis.

The members who joined NDC are Rep. Yusuf Datti, Rep. Sani Wakil, Rep. Mukthar Zakari and Rep. Abdulhakeem Ado, all from Kano State.

Others from Anambra are Rep. Uchenna Okonkwo, Rep. George Ozodinobi, Rep. Obiageli Orogbu, Rep. Peter Aniekwe, Rep. Emeka Idu, Rep. Peter Uzokwe and Rep. Afam Ogene.

Also, in the list of defectors to NDC are Rep. Thaddeus Achef, Rep. Oluwaseun Sowumi, Rep. George Oluwande, Rep. Jessy-Okey Onuakalusi from Lagos state.

Equally on the list for NDC are Rep. Murphy Omoruyi (Edo) and Rep. Munachin Alozie (Abia)

However, Rep. Leke Abejide (Kogi) defected from ADC to the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

The deputy speaker who presided over plenary, while ruling on the motion, wished the defectors well in their future political endeavours.

Source: NAN

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First, let me thank you for reading my articles weekly. It’s exciting to note that it’s already one year ago that I started contributing value-adding pieces here. I hope they’ve been as useful as I intended.

Today’s piece is not an attempt to repeat what you may already have seen in conventional media reports about the declining number of apprentices in informal vocational training.

Rather, it is to draw your attention to what should concern you as an end user of essential service providers like auto mechanics, plumbers, barbers, tailors, painters, welders, electricians, and other skilled trades.

You may need to start preparing for a future where you pay significantly more for these services, comparable to what people abroad already pay.

This is a simple case of demand and supply. As fewer young people enter these vocations, scarcity will emerge. And when supply drops while demand remains, prices will rise.

Yes, formally trained technicians and graduates of technical schools may step in to fill the gap but not at the low rates you are used to paying today.

So, what is driving this declining interest among young people?

You might point to factors such as poor work ethic, the desire for quick money, declining respect for skilled labour, economic pressures, weak apprenticeship systems, or the lure of technology-driven alternatives. These are all valid.

However, there is a silent issue we must confront: poor leadership habits within the traditional apprenticeship system.

For decades, many apprenticeship environments have been marked by troubling practices:

* Tortuous physical punishment in the name of discipline

* Dehumanising treatment

* Exploitation and extortion

* Emotional and psychological hurt

These practices have become normalised, passed down as part of the system itself.

While some may argue that this is not the primary cause of declining interest, it is undeniably a significant underlying factor. Young people are no longer willing to endure what previous generations tolerated. And they shouldn’t have to.

From a habits and mastery perspective, leadership behaviour (good or bad) compounds over time. When negative habits dominate a system, they gradually erode trust, dignity, and long-term sustainability.

Impact Assessment:

The signs are already visible.

Fewer young people are entering these trades. It is increasingly common to visit a workshop and find no apprentice present. Service providers now frequently say, “I have no apprentice.”

What we are witnessing is a quiet but dangerous crisis. It may not dominate headlines like politics or trend like entertainment, but its implications are far-reaching. The gradual disappearance of artisans is real and the consequences will eventually reach every household.

Like an auctioneer’s final call “Going, going, gone!” this system may fade before we fully grasp what we’ve lost.

What Must Be Done

There must be a deliberate effort to rebuild trust in the apprenticeship system. This includes:

* Introducing basic standards for humane treatment

* Promoting emotional intelligence and people management among master artisans

* Establishing oversight or regulatory guidance where necessary

* Providing structured incentives and dignity for learners

Artisans are critical to economic stability and everyday living. If the current generation of master craftsmen retires without willing successors, the cost will be borne by all of us. The time to act is now.

Enjoy the rest of your week as you Mind Your Character.  I’m Bosede Olusola-Obasa,

Character Development Trainer | Trust Culture Strategist | Best Workplace Attitudes Advisor

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President Bola Tinubu on Thursday last week, named Joseph Olasunkanmi Tegbe as his new Power Minister. He also forwarded his name to the Senate for approval and confirmation. Tegbe came into the picture after Adebayo Adelabu resigned from Tinubu’s cabinet to contest for the Oyo State Governorship seat. Adelabu, after more than two years as Power Minister, will be known in our history books as a monumental failure in that role. He could neither generate nor distribute power to over 200 million Nigerians. Despite that, he is interested in becoming a Governor! In the first instance, he had no business being appointed to the Power Ministry. A first-class graduate in Accounting from the Obafemi Awolowo University, Adelabu would have been more suited for the Finance Ministry or the Budget department. Now that he is out of the picture, whether the people of Oyo State, who are also impacted negatively by the darkness that the incompetent Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company (IBEDC), dishes out to them would trust him enough to vote him as their next Governor remains to be seen. However, we will not forget that he came to the Power Ministry and left it in a worse state than he met it.

The question now begging an answer is if his successor, Tegbe, the right choice for the office?  Tegbe’s appointment comes at a critical juncture for Africa’s most populous economy, where persistent electricity shortages continue to weigh on growth, industrial output, and investor confidence. Nigeria, despite an installed capacity of more than 12,000 megawatts, struggles to deliver a fraction of that to homes and businesses due to transmission constraints, gas supply issues, and chronic liquidity problems across the value chain. Frequent grid collapses and tariff disputes have compounded the sector’s fragility, leaving successive administrations grappling with reforms that have yielded limited results. Tegbe, 60, enters the role with more than three decades of experience spanning consulting, fiscal policy, and institutional reform. A former senior partner at KPMG, he led advisory services across Africa, working on governance, regulatory frameworks, and large-scale transformation projects. His career has also included engagements with key institutions in Nigeria’s power sector, including the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Company.

Until his appointment, he had served as Director-general of the Nigeria – China Strategic Partnership, where he coordinated development cooperation initiatives and investment engagements between Abuja and Beijing. He also Chairs Nigeria’s tax implementation committee, underscoring his role in shaping broader economic policy. Educated at the University of Ife, where he graduated with a first-class degree in Civil Engineering, Tegbe later attended executive programmes at institutions including Harvard Kennedy School, and the European Union of Business Administration, (INSEAD). His profile fits a pattern under Tinubu’s administration of appointing technocrats to key positions. Yet, the scale of the challenge ahead may test even the most seasoned reformer. So, is he a round peg in a round hole?

After his Civil Engineering degree at Ife, Tegbe was more at home with the Accounting profession. He became a Chartered Accountant, an alumnus of the Lagos Business School, INSEAD, Harvard Kennedy School, and Harvard Business School. He is a Fellow of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (FCA), Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Taxation (FCIT), and Certified in Governance of Enterprise IT (CGEIT).

From his profile, it is obvious that Tegbe has little or limited knowledge of the power sector and may need more than six months to have a grasp of it. This is where the problem lies. Since the return to democratic dispensation in 1999, Nigeria has had 11 Ministers of Power. Many of them, going by their university qualifications, should not have been appointed to head the Ministry, as they have little or no Engineering background. They are neither Electrical nor Mechanical Engineers.

The late Bola Ige was in charge of the Ministry between 1999 and 2000. He was a known lawyer and politician who had no knowledge of the sector he was heading. He could not make any significant improvement in electricity generation and was later moved to the Justice Ministry.

Olusegun Agagu, who took over from him, was admitted to study Botany at the University of Ibadan, but he later changed to Geology, in which he graduated in 1971. Agagu went to the University of Texas between 1973 and 1974 for his Master’s degree in Geology, returning to Nigeria, where he obtained a Ph.D. in Petroleum Geology from the University of Ibadan.

Aliyu Modibbo Umar, who later headed the Ministry obtained a BA degree in Journalism from California State University, Long Beach, an MA in African Studies, and a PhD in Comparative Education from the University of California. Next came Liyel Imoke. He obtained a Bachelor’s degree in International Relations and Economic at the University of Maryland in the United States in 1982. He then studied Law at the University of Buckingham, England, gaining an LLB degree in 1985, as well as a Master’s degree in Law, before attending the Nigerian Law School in 1988. I do not see a connection to the Engineering field to warrant his appointment to the Power Ministry.

Rilwan Lanre Babalola, who took over from Imoke, earned a Doctorate degree in Energy Economics from the University of Surrey in the United Kingdom, providing him with specialised knowledge in resource allocation and economic aspects of energy systems pertinent to infrastructure development. He entered Nigeria’s power sector through the Bureau of Public Entreprises (BPE), where he served as Deputy director and team leader for the Power Sector Reform Programme prior to 2008. Following his tenure at the BPE, Babalola briefly joined the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) as Deputy General Manager for Tariff.  He has had extensive knowledge of the power sector and it was no surprise that President Tinubu now has him serving as his Special Adviser on Power and also as Chairman of the Presidential Task Force on Power Sector Reset and Restoration.

President Tinubu has also redesignated the Office of the Special Adviser (Energy) as the Special Adviser (Oil & Gas) to clarify roles and avoid duplication of functions within the energy governance framework.

Professor Bart Nnaji, who took over from Babalola, earned a Bachelor of Science Degree in Physics at St John’s University in New York, USA. He then proceeded to the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University for his Masters and PhD in Engineering. He also obtained a Post Doctorate Certificate in Artificial Intelligence and Robotics from Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Nnaji founded Geometric Power Limited, Nigeria’s first indigenous-owned power development company in 2000. In 2010, he served as Special Adviser to the President on Power, and Chairman of the Presidential Task Force on Power. He was Nigeria’s Minister of Power in 2011, and resigned in August 2012.

Osita Nebo had a degree in Mining Engineering, a Masters Degree in Metallurgical Engineering, and a Doctoral degree in Materials Engineering and Science, all at South Dakota School of Mines and Technology. He was our Power Minister between 2013 and 2015.

Babatunde Raji Fashola was made a Super Minister in 2015 by President Muhammadu Buhari, heading the Ministries of Power, Works, and Housing. Despite being known as a lawyer and Senior Advocate with a degree in Law, he could not achieve much, necessitating the Power Ministry to be taken from him and handed to Saleh Mamman, who was appointed to head the Ministry in 2019. Saleh holds a Higher National Diploma in Electrical Electronics from Kaduna Polytechnic and an MBA in Business Administration from Bayero University. Abubakar Aliyu, who was Power Minister between 2021 and 2023, obtained an HND in Highway and Transportation Engineering from Kaduna Polytechnic and a Bachelor’s degree in Civil and Water Resources Engineering from the University of Maiduguri.

It is quite clear from the profiles of those that have been appointed to head the power ministry since 1999 that many of them had no business in that all-important Ministry. It is therefore not a surprise that we have been able to generate around 12,000 megawatts of power for a population of more than 200 million people, while only 4,000 megawatts is available for homes and offices across the country. In spite of government spending huge resources in ensuring that we get electricity, nothing seems to be working, no thanks to a well-established cabal as well as the lack of requisite qualifications by those in charge of the sector. Nigerians have been kept perpetually in darkness, so much so, that even the Presidency has installed solar panels as alternative power source in the Presidential Villa.

Nigeria’s power sector is one that is riddled with chronic systemic challenges characterized by inadequate generation, weak transmission infrastructure, and poor distribution capacity, leading to frequent grid collapses and unreliable supply. Major issues that would confront the new Minister, Tegbe, include gas supply shortages, high technical/commercial losses, massive market debts, and insufficient investment. The national grid is fragile, often unable to transport generated power to end users, and experiences frequent total or partial collapses. With generation hovering around 12,000 megawatts of installed capacity, actual generation often drops below 5,000 due to gas supply shortages, pipeline vandalism, and aging infrastructure at thermal stations. Distribution companies also suffer from massive financial losses, including high technical, commercial, and collection inefficiencies. Many consumers are not metered, leading to estimated billing disputes. Constant vandalism of gas pipelines and electricity infrastructure also significantly restricts power supply.

Yet, without electricity, there cannot be any meaningful development. In appointing Tegbe, President Tinubu seems to be aware of his limited knowledge of the sector and has now complimented that by bringing back Lanre Babalola on board. Babalola, a former Minister for Power, brings deep sectoral expertise and a proven understanding of the structural and operational challenges within the electricity value chain.

If the duo can work together to encourage state Governors to take charge of the power sector for their people, the sector’s deregulation will usher in better days for Nigerians. Despite being deregulated, many state Governors are shying away from taking this all-important step. The truth is that we can no longer rely on a single aging power grid to serve over 200 million Nigerians. Although it is a technical sector that may be beyond the understanding of most State Governors, the way to go is to have the political will and expertise from within and outside the shores of the country.

In the 21th century, when many smaller African countries are enjoying stable power supply, we should be bold enough to tell ourselves the truth that what is presently obtainable in Nigeria is a huge national embarrassment that should shame all of us. I have spent four days in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, with major parts in total darkness. IBEDC has been tagged as the most useless DISCO in the country, and they continue to wear their emblem of shame with pride.

I hope and pray that Tegbe and Babalola would be able to turn the sordid state of our power sector around within a short period of time.

See you next week.

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The post Tegbe: A square peg in a round hole? appeared first on Frontpageng.